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may not, perhaps, wish to have the market overstocked. What •then must be the consequence? Young men of fortune and rank cannot accept of places, when by accepting them they are to be deemed unsit for serving their country in Parliament, and to have the ignominious mark of slavery set on them; and without accepting which, they cannot arrive at a knowledg* of business fit to be trusted with the public affairs. What will be the effect? Men of no fortune, no rank in the State, who have first drudged through the lower and mean offices, must have those of the greatest trust and prosit, as being the only persons capable of filling them: and it is too much to ba feared, that the complaifance of such (who owe all they possess to the Crown) will be boundless, and that the King will have bad Counsellors, and the nation be ill served.
My Lords, with regard to the Officers of the Army, I think the fame argument is still stronger, as the misfortunes which will flow from it are of a more immediate and a more dangerous consequence, and the danger without remedy. This Bill will exclude all young men of fortune from the army, for the fame reason it will from all civil employments. Your Gentry, your Nobility, deprived of all laudable ambitious views, will sink, like Italians, into a slothsul idleness. But, my Lords, I must beg leave to remind you of this nation's being faved from slavery, by having men of property in the army: for God's fake, do not let us ruin that great barrier of our liberty. It may be faid, we do not stand in need of an army; we are an island, have a most powersul fleet, so that an army is both useless and dangerous. I shall riot enter into all that may be faid in answer to that complicated assertion; but only beg leave to put a case, and it is a cafe, as the affairs of Europe stand, must happen once in twenty years; and I hope our liberty will be upon a sounder founJation than to be hazarded every twenty years: within that space of time, you must, in all probability, raise a considerable army, either to defend your own possessions, er preserve the balance of power in Europe; which arc equally
and and absolutely necessary. When this army has done what you raised them for, you will think it necessay likewise to disband them, and ease yourself and the people of so costly a burden; but your Lordships, perhaps, will sind the disbanding them more difficult than the raising them, I am apt to believe, that a Vote of either House, how rhetorically soever it may be expressed, will not persuade them it is for their interest to lose their bread, when by keeping together, you and all you have is entirely at their mercy: and, my Lords, at such a season, should a Prince, less a father of his people than his present Majesty, should a Prince of more ambition than honest intentions, fill the Throne, it would be in his power, with such an army, to become as absolute as the King of France. My Lords, by what I have offered to you, it plainly appears to me, that nothing can keep and confirm your liberties but having the Officers, at least, men of property, who have a stake in the country, and whose interest is the fame with ours. It was by an army of hirelings, debtors, renegados, and such like, that Rome at last sell a victim to the ambition of one man.
It may, perhaps, be faid in excuse for this Bill, that men of too small fortunes have employments and feats in Parliament; have you not an Act of Qualisication?- If that is not observed, why will you imagine this will? I should think it would not 5 for tho' it is an extraordinary thing to fay so, it would be contrary to the interest of the Crown, contrary to ihe interest of every particular, and contrary to the interest of the nation in general. But if the sum limited in the Qualisication Bill is not already sufficient, increase it j that is the only way which will answer what is in vain expected from this Bill. But, my Lords, to conclude, what a compliment would it be to his Majesty, to fay, you are not sit to be trusted with what your ancestors have always hitherto enjoyed, the power of disposing of places and judging of merit? We will, by a public Act, shew we mistrust you: what a com-v pliment will it be to those the people chuse, to fay, we will not trust your integrity, because the people chuse you their Repre
Q, 3 sentative$? sentatives? Is this the means to endear a people to their Prince, a Prince to his people, or mankind to one another?
Lord Raymond, April 6, 1742.
I Should imagine, my Lords, that when a King of the House of Hanover surveys his navies, reviews his troops, or examines his revenue, beholds the splendour of his Court, or contemplates the extent of his dominions, he cannot but sometimes, however unwillingly, compare his present state with that of his ancestors; and that when he gives audience to the Ambasladors of Princes, who, perhaps, never heard of Hanover, and directs the payment of sums, dearly purchased, and reflects, as surely he sometimes will, that'all these honours and riches, this reverence from foreign powers, and his domestic splendour, are the gratuitous and voluntary gifts of the mighty people of Great-Britain; he should sind his heart overflowing with unlimited gratitude, and should be ready to facrisice to the happiness of his benefactors, not only every petty interest, or accidental inclination, but even his repose, his fafety, or his life: that he should be ready to ease them of every burthen before they complained, and to aid them with all his power, before they requested his assistance; that he should consider his Britijb kingdom a kind of nursery for troops, to be employed without harrassing his more valuable subjects.
It might be at least hoped, my Lords, that the Princes of the House of Hanover might have the fame regard to this nation, as to Kings from whom they never received any benefit, ?.nd whom they ought in reality always to have-considered as enemies, yet even from such levy-money was not always required, or, if required, was not always received.
There was once a time, my Lords, before any of this race wore the Crown of Great-Britain, when the great French Monarch, Lewis XIV. being under a necessity of hiring auxiliary troops, applied to the Duke of Hanover, as a Prince whose necessities would naturally incline him to set the lives of his
• - .. . subjects subjects at a cheap rate: the Duke, pleased with an opportunity of trafficking with so wealthy a Monarch, readily promised a supply of troops, and demanded levy-money to be paid him, that he might be enabled to rtisc them; but Hanoverian reputation was not then raised so high, as that the French King should trust him with his money. Lewis suspected, and made no scruple of declaring his suspicion, that the demand of levymoney was only a pretence to obtain a sum which would never afterwards be repaid, and for which no troops would be obtained; and therefore with his usual prudence insisted, that the troops should first march and then be paid. Thus for some time the Treaty was at a stand; but the King being equally in want of men as the Duke of money, and perceiving, perhaps, that it was really impracticable for so indigent a Prince to raise troops without some pecuniary assistance, offered him at length a small sum, which was gladly accepted, though much below the original demand. The troops were engaged in the service of France; and the Duke of Hanover thought himself happy, in being able to amuse himself at his leisure with the rattle of the money.
Such, my Lords, were the conditions on which the troops of Hanover were surnished in former times; and surely what could then be produced by the love of money, or the awe of a superior power, might now be expected as the effect of gratitude and kindness.
Earl of Sandwich, Feb. 1, 1742.
I Know not how successsully I may repeat assertions in this House, for which I have been formerly censured and committed to the Tower, and which few other Members have hitherto maintained; but I rife with confidence, that I shall be at least acknowledged to act consistently with myself in seconding the noble person, (Lord Somerset) who has made the Motion now before you, for addressing his Majesty, not to engage these kingdoms in a war for the preservation of his foreign domi
0.4 rviqiw; nions: and I am convinced, that many who differ from mt in opinion, would be glad to boast 'of resembling my steadiness of conduct.
But steadiness, Sir, is the effect only of integrity; he that speaks always what he thinks, and endeavours by diligent inquiry to think aright before he ventures to declare his sentiments; he that follows in his searches no leader but reason, nor expects any reward from them but the advantage of discovering truth, and the pleasure of communicating it, will not easily change his opinion; because it will seldom be easy to shew, that he who has honestly inquired after truth has failed to attain it.
For my part, I am neither ashamed nor afraid to affirm, that thirty years have made no change in any of my political opinions; I am now grown old in this House, but that experience which is the consequence of age, has only confirmed the principles with which I entered it many years ago: time has verisied the predictions which I formerly uttered, and I have seen my conjectures ripened into knowledge.
I should be therefore without excuse, if either terror could affright, or the hope of advantage allure me from the declaration of my opinions; opinions which I was not deterred from asserting, when the prospect of a longer life than I can now expect might have added to the temptations of ambition, or aggravated the terrors of poverty and disgrace; opinions, for which I would willingly have suffered the severest Censures, even when I had enforced them only in compliance with reason, without the infallible certainty of experience.
Of truth it has always been observed, Sir, that every day adds to its establishment, and that falshoods, however specious, however supported by power, or established by confederacies, are unable to stand before the stroke of time: .against the inconveniencies and vexations of long life may be set the pleasure of discovering truth, perhaps the only pleasure that age affords. Kor is it, a slight fatisfaction to a man not utterly infatuated