be refolved into these three, to wit, the Monarchical, the Ariftocratical, or the Democratical: for every form of Government must either be a Monarchy, an Ariftocracy, or a Democracy; or it must be a mixture of fome two of thefe, or of all the three.

By experience, Sir, it has been found, that when the fupreme Power is lodged either in a fole Monarch, or in a set of Nobles, it often deviates into tyranny; and that when it is lodged in the people in general, there is no poffibility of preventing it from running into anarchy; and the next ftep which follows is commonly a Monarchical, or Ariftocratical Tyranny; especially if the people of the fociety be numerous, and their dominions extenfive. For this reafon, many various forts of mixtures have been contrived by Lawgivers: but of all the mixtures that ever were contrived, that of an equal mixture of the three is, I believe, the beft and most lafting. How our ancestors, the Germans, hit upon this mixture; whether it proceeded from their experience, or from their natural fagacity, I fhall not pretend to determine; but it is certain, that from the earlieft accounts we have of them, this appears to have been the form of Government generally established among them. The fupreme Power among them was always lodged in an Affembly of their King or General, their Nobles or Chiefs of Families, and their People or Soldiers in general. In this Affembly all matters of great importance were confidered and determined; the King and Nobles propofed and refolved, and the People confented or difapproved. The powers and privileges of thefe three branches of their Legislature, were not, perhaps, fo diftinctly afcertained as they are by the prefent form of our Conftitution; or if they were, no certain account of them has been handed down to us: but it is plain that the fame fpirit, upon which our present Constitution is founded, was the prevailing fpirit in their form of Government; and this fpirit may be traced from the beginning of our history to this very day.

The spirit I mean, Sir, is, to have in our form of Government fuch an equal mixture of the Monarchical, Ariftocratical, and

Democra

Democratical forms of Government, that each may prove a proper counterpoife to the other, in such a manner, as that all these three conftituent Powers may continue equal and independent. If they do, any one of them may, and always will, be a guard for our Conftitution and for our People, against the violence and oppreffion of both, or either of the other two. If our King fhould refolve to make himself abfolute, or if he and his Ministers should begin to opprefs the People, both this and the other House would certainly join together in oppofing fuch fchemes: if the other House should begin to fet themselves up as fovereign and arbitrary mafters of our Government, the King and this House would certainly join against them: and if this Houfe, as perhaps has been the cafe, fhould begin to fet ourfelves up as mafters, the King and the Houfe of Lords would as certainly join against us, and probably, by means of a diffolution and new election, be able to prevent any fatal confequences. Again, if any two of these branches of our Legislature should join together in any scheme for oppreffing the People, they could not carry their scheme effectually into execution without the concurrence of the third: but, on the contrary, that third branch of our Legislature, with the affiftance of the People, would probably be able, not only to difappoint, but to punish the authors of fuch a scheme.

Therefore, Sir, while our Conftitution remains entire, while the three conftituent parts of our form of Government remain equal and independent, our People can never be oppreffed, nor can a barefaced arbitrary power ever be established. From hence one may fee, that from our Conftitution, confidered in itself, without any undue influence, we can have nothing to apprehend; the only danger we are expofed to is, that of its difoJution and for this reafon we ought to confider carefully, and guard watchfully against all those methods by which it may be overturned. The only methods by which our Constitution can be overturned, and confequently the only evils we have to guard against is, left any one of the branches of our Legiflature should

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get the abfolute direction of the other two; and left any one, by a diffolution or difcontinuance of the other two, should be able to affume to itself an abfolute and arbitrary power. As the power of calling, proroguing, and diffolving the Parliament is lodged intirely in the Crown; as the execution of our Laws is now more fully and extenfively lodged in the Crown, than it was by the ancient form of our Conftitution; and as his Majesty is provided with a very large revenue for life, I cannot think there is the leaft danger, that either House of Parliament will become able to prefcribe to the other and to the King: therefore we are at prefent in no danger of either House of Parliament ever getting the abfolute direction of the other two branches of our Legislature, as was once the cafe of this nation.

But, Sir, that the Crown may be able to get the abfolute direction of both Houses of Parliament, and may consequently make both intirely dependant upon the King, or rather upon the King's Ministers, for the time being, I must think we are at present in some danger: nay, I must fay, I think we are in fuch danger, that I am afraid nothing preferves us from it but his Majesty's known wisdom, justice, and moderation. I have, I confefs, fuch a bad opinion of mankind, that I believe the generality of them will facrifice the public good for their private advantage, often for a very trifling private advantage; especially when they can do it, without bringing immediately infainy and reproach upon themselves. This, I am forry to fay it, is my opinion of the generality of mankind: and confidering what vast fums of money, and what a vaft number of lucrative posts and employments, of all forts and' fizes, the Crown has to bestow yearly, and what extenfive powers have been put into the hands of the Crown, by the many Penal Laws lately enacted, I am much afraid, that if his Majefty would allow his Ministers to apply them towards managing and purchasing votes at elections, or even in Parliament, it would foon come to be in the power of the Crown to direct both Houses of Parliament: for if the voting at elections, or in Parliament, from corrupt confidera

tions, should once come to be frequent, the frequency of the crime would extenuate the guilt, and the multitude of criminals would fmother that reproach, which now so deservedly attends fuch an infamous practice.

Lord Noel Sometfet, Feb. 3, 1738.

I AM unable to offer any thing that has not been faid by the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Lyttelton) who made you the Motion for an Address of Congratulation to the King, on account of the nuptials of the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Saxe-Gotha, in a manner much more fuitable to the dignity and importance of this great occafion. But, Sir, as I am really affected with the profpect of the bleffings to be derived to my country from this fo defirable, and fo long-defired measure, the marriage of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, I cannot forbear troubling you with a few words, to exprefs my joy, and to mingle my humble offering, inconfiderable as it is, with this great oblation of thanks and congratulation to his Majefty,

How great foever the joy of the public may be, and very great it certainly is, in receiving this benefit from his Majefty, it must be inferior to that high fatisfaction which he himself enjoys in bestowing it: and if I may be allowed to suppose, that to a royal mind any thing can tranfcend the pleasure of gratifying the impatient wishes of a loyal people, it can only be the paternal delight of tenderly indulging the most dutiful application, and most humble request of a submissive obedient son. I mention, Sir, his Royal Highness's having afked a marriage; because something is in juftice due to him, for having afked what we are so strongly bound by all the ties of duty and of gratitude, to return to his Majefty our most humble acknowledgments for having granted.

The marriage of a Prince of Wales, Sir, has at all times been a matter of the highest importance to the public welfare, to prefent, and to future generations: but at no time has it

ever been a more important, a more dear confideration, than at this day; if a character at once amiable and refpectable, can embellish and even dignify the elevated rank of a Prince of Wales. Were it not a fort of prefumption to follow fo great a Perfon through his hours of retirement, to view him in the milder light of domeftic life, we should find him bufied in the noble exercise of humanity, benevolence, and of every focial virtue, But, Sir, how pleafing, how captivating foever such a scene may be, yet, as it is a private one, I fear I fhould offend the delicacy of that virtue I fo ardently defire to do juftice to, fhould I offer it to the confideration of this House. But, Sir, filial duty to his Royal Parents, a generous love for Liberty, and a juft reverence for the British Constitution, these are public virtues, and cannot escape the applause and benedictions of the Public. They are virtues, Sir, which render his Royal Highness not only a notable ornament, but a firm fupport, if any could poffibly be neceffary, of that Throne fo greatly filled by his Royal Father.

I have been led to fay thus much of his Royal Highness's character, because it is the confideration of that character which, above all things, enforces the juftice and goodness of his Majesty in the measure now before you; a measure which the nation thought could never come too foon, because it brings with it the promife of an additional ftrength to the Proteftant fucceffion in his Majefty's illuftrious and Royal House. The fpirit of Liberty dictated that fucceffion, the fame spirit now rejoices in the prospect of its being perpetuated to the latest pofterity it rejoices in the wife and happy choice, which his Majefty has been pleased to make of a Princefs fo amiably diftinguished in herself, fo illuftrious in the merit of her family; the glory of whose great ancestor it is, to have facrificed himfelf to the nobleft caufe for which a Prince can draw his fword, the caufe of Liberty and the Proteftant Religion. Such, Sir, is the marriage, for which our most humble acknowledgments are due to his Majesty; and may it afford the comfort of feeing