was naturally the fource of great influence, and great emolument, to two English Gentlemen not yet returned to England.

It is a circumftance worthy of remark, that of all the civil fervants that have gone out in the last twelve years, that is, fince Mr. Haftings became Governor, only one has returned, and that Gentleman never profited fix-pence by his appointment; for he quitted Bengal either before it arrived, or a very few months after, with an unblemished reputation. He returned with his relation Mr. Francis.

It is equally worthy of remark, that not a fingle Gentleman who has been in the Governor-General's family, civil or military, has returned to England with any fortune, myself excepted; and I certainly did not acquire a fortune in Mr. Haftings's family: I brought with me, or left behind me, about seven thousand pounds, being all that I acquired in fixteen years.

1

If fuch is the ftate of fortunes acquired by Gentlemen appointed to Bengal for these last two and twenty years, it will be found upon investigation, that the fortunes acquired at Madras and Bombay, by Gentlemen of the fame ftanding, are ftill more inconfiderable. They are fewer in number, and I do not suppose that thirty Gentlemen, who went out in or near 1762, have returned to England from both Prefidencies. This, however, is capable of proof; but as Bengal has been called the garden of Eden, I confine myfelf to that spot. Enormous as were the fortunes acquired in Bengal at the battle of Plassey, by which an empire was conqured for Great-Britain. And at our acquifition of the Duannee, they did not amount to so much as was acquired by individuals here, by one of the Noble Lord's Loans, during the late calamitous and unfortunate war. I shall be truly happy, if it should be my good fortune, by preferving that facred regard to truth, from which I have never yet deviated, to remove from the minds of the Public thofe prejudices that have been instilled into them by the bold affertions of men, who have faid, and unfaid, juft as it answered

their political purposes; and who, when they were in the plenitude of power, never dared to do what they ought to have done, if they really thought Mr. Haftings a delinquent; that is, to have brought in a Bill for his removal, upon fome one Specific charge. Instead of this, what is it they did?-Their leader accused him of crimes, for which, if he had been guilty, his life would have been too poor a facrifice; he then declared, he meant nothing perfonal against him; and in the end, this Mr. Haftings, this notorious delinquent, was offered a full and free pardon for all his offences, provided his friends would tacitly submit to see the Company, his benefactors and prefervers, deprived of their rights, and plundered of their property.

Major Scott, July 16, 1784.

ELO

I

ELOQUENCE.

BELIEVE most Gentlemen, as well as myself, whofe expec

tations were raised when the Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert Walpole) ftood up, have met with a very great disappointment. That Gentleman, from whom we had reafon to expect fomething that would have been of weight in the prefent debate, has not only told us, that we are to have no reason for what we are. defired this day to agree to, but has given us very little hopes of having, at any other time, that information, which one would think a British Parliament might expect. Are we to vote powerful fleets and numerous armies; are we to lay new and great burthens on the people, and all this without being told any rea fons for what we are defired to do? What fatisfaction can we give our conftituents, if they should ask us, why we have augmented our standing army, which must always be dangerous to the liberties of our country? Why we have confented to the increafing the public charge, which is already heavier than the people can bear? Really to this moft material and reasonable question, I know as yet of no other answer we can give, but only that his Majesty has told us in his Speech, that there is a war broke out in Europe, in which we have no manner of concern; and his Minifters have told us, that we ought to be afraid of the armies and fleets raised and fitted out by our neighbours, because they are under an abfolute neceffity of employing all the armies they can raife, and all the fleets they can fit out, in those parts of Europe which are most remote from us. We have zeal, Sir, I hope we have all a great deal of affection and zeal for his Majesty's Perfon and Government; but do not let us allow his Majefty's Ministers, or even his Majesty himself, to expect fuch a blind zeal from his Parliament: it is inconfiftent with the dignity of Parliament; and I am sure that Parliaments, thirty or forty years ago, would hardly have been perfuaded

to have fhewn fo much complaifance to the Minifters of the Crown.

What has been obferved by fome Gentlemen, I own, Sir, weighs greatly with me. From the demand now before us we have reason to conclude, that 13,000 men may be the number intended to be always kept up within this island, even in times of the greatest peace and tranquillity; and that the augmentation now required, is done with a view only, that when such times fhall again come, thofe in the Administration may have an opportunity to pretend great merit, in reducing the 13,000 men now proposed to be added. We all know what fears and jealoufies the people have entertained at the continuing this army, during the laft years of perfect peace and tranquillity both at home and abroad: and if that measure should be again attempted when thofe days of peace return, every man must then conclude, that the army is kept up, not for defending us against our foreign enemies, but for the fafety of those who have rendered themselves odious among the people, and for defending them against the refentment of an injured and a plundered nation. If this fhould ever happen to be our unfortunate condition, the people will certainly make a struggle for the preservation of their ancient conftitution. This will certainly be the cafe; I know it must be the case; and when it is, I hope those who fhall bring us under fuch hard circumstances will find, that even this army of 13,000 will not be able to ftand against the people of England. I have a great opinion of many Gentlemen who have commands in the army; and if such a case should happen, while they have any command, I make no doubt but they would behave as their predeceffors did at the Revolution ; I dare fay, that most of them would foon be found of the people's fide of the question,

If we are, Sir, to have any fhare in the war, the addition of 13,000 men is but a bauble; and if we are to have no fhare, why fhould we bring any additional expence upon the people? The Hon. Gentleman would not fay pofitively that we were en

gaged,

gaged, or not engaged, or that we were, or were not to be engaged, but that we might be engaged relatively and confequentially and this refined quibbling, Sir, is, it seems, all the fatisfaction, all the reasons he will vouchsafe to give Gentlemen, for agreeing to the demand now made upon them. Is an English House of Commons to take this as a reason for breaking in upon their conftitution, and for loading their conftituents with taxes? Surely, Sir, let our condition be never so bad, and I believe it is bad enough, if the advice of Parliament is wanted on that occafion, if their affiftance be defired, they ought to have a full information of the prefent circumftances of the nation, and they ought to have fufficient reasons for the demand that is made. But it seems we are, for the future, to have no other reason given us for complying with any demand that comes from the Crown, but only because it is asked and if any Gentleman fcruples to take that as a sufficient reason, he is, it seems, always to be told, that his not agreeing readily to the demand, will be looked upon as a want of refpect to the Crown: but, for God's fake, let us have likewise some regard to ourselves and to our fellow-fubjects, without which I am fure we have no business here, nor can the nation ever reap any benefit from our meeting in this place.

Mr. William Pulteney, Jan. 23, 1734

GOVERNMENT, Sir, is an evil, which the perverse nature of fome has obliged all to submit to. Mankind, for the fake of preserving their lives, and the fruits of their labour, against the invafions of the wicked and rapacious, have been obliged to form themselves into focieties, and to promife obedience to the Civil Magiftrate: but that which was intended for protecting the people of the fociety, is often made use of for their oppreffion; and instead of being a bridle upon the inclinations of the wicked, it often ferves to ftrengthen their hands, by tying up thofe of the innocent. To prevent this fatal effect, many forts of Governments have been invented by men, all of which may

be