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very high in the Law, not only humanely proposing, according to the ideas, and in the language of his own country, but dwelling with rapture on what he classically called a Starvation Bill for the poor Americans. I rely, however, Sir, on the spirit of the Americans, that they will neither fuffer the fate of the Amalekites, nor retaliate the attempt on the favages of Europe.

Governor Johnstone, Nov. 18, 1777.

No man can have a more determined abhorrence of the em, ploying the Indian savages in our wars than I have ; because no man, in this House at least, has had occasion to know so much of this matter, as it fell to my lot to have during the last war. My horror of their cruel services does not arise from the paintings of imagination, but from what I have known of the fact, there is not so hellish, so unfair an engine of war, as the service of the Indian savage, when mixed in with the wars of civilized nations. What then must we think of it, what must be our feelings, when they are employed in a war, between parts of the same nation, branches of the same family, in the war between us and our brethren?

The mutual feelings of humanity, and a spirit of honour, have, amidst civilized nations, defined even rights, and given laws to a state of war; have laid a restraint on havock, and given limits to destruction and bloodshed. There are even in rigours of war, the jura belli, which civilized nations have adopted, and do almost universally observe. The war of the favage, instead of being a contest of right by power, regulated and restrained by any feelings of honour or humanity, is an unrestrained effusion of the passions of revenge and bloodthirstiness, est certare odiis, is a war of universal ravage and devastation to utter destruction; instead of giving laws to war, it gives the name and effect of right to every cruel exertion of passion, revenge, and barbarity, jusque datum fceleri.

Governor Pownall, Feb..6, 1778.


WHEN America was first settled, the whole right to conquest, discovery, and division of lands was in the King ;-it was in his power to grant them to any body, and on any condition. This power he used in America, in all cases without, and in some against the consent of Parliament, who never, indeed, supposed, that such feudal Rights were vested in them,

At what time the King gave up, or Parliament usurped these Rights, is not now my business to inquire ; but I must maintain, that unless America had consented to such a cession, America is not bound by it, but her Rights remain the same as when first established by her Charters.

A late decision in the King's Bench has fully established this doctrine. The King may lay any impofitions on a conquered country by his own authority, till he has by Proclamation, or otherwise, given up that power by establishing another.

Sir Cecil Wray, April 6, 1778. .


A Ř M. Y.
I HAVE spoken so often against maintaining an extras

I ordinary number of land forces in time of peace, that I “ should now chuse to be filent, if I had not the firft day of “ the Session entered my claim to dispute the continuance of to the four thousand Augmentation Troops ; and if I did not « think it my duty to oppose every proposition, which seems " to carry the least appearance of danger to our Constitution.

“ I ask pardon, if I take the present Question to be of this « nature. Nor can I be persuaded, that the frequent impo« fitions of unnecessary Taxes, or the repetition of any « grievance, ought to beget an insensibility, or a slavilh ac« quiescence in it. On the contrary, I think it ought to os awaken and double our attention, left it should in time “ plead a prescriptive right, and gradually grow into an 66 establishment.

- If I may be permitted to consider the King's Speech as « the composition of his Ministers, which, though I know by 66 experience to be a more dangerous, is yet a more parlia“ mentary way, than to consider it as an Edict from the « Throne, I will observe, that it does not ask the advice and “ opinion of the Commons, how far they will use their great, 66 essential, and undisputed Right of raising money; but it “ positively prescribes the exact provifion we are to make, both “ by sea and land, for the service of the ensuing year : and “ whether that be not a new method of speaking to Parlia6 ments, is with all deference submitted to the wisdom of this .“ House, which is the best judge of its own Privileges and 6 Power.

« Surely, Sir, it is very melancholy to hear, one Session af6. ter another, that, though we are in a state of tranquillity, « as the language is, yet we can neither be secure at home, * nor respected abroad, without continuing above eighteen " thousand land forces in pay.

« This way of reasoning entirely misrepresents our circum“ stances and condition. For it would suggest, that we can“ not enjoy the blessings of a good Reign, without enduring “ at the same time the hardships of a bad one ; which is a “ contradiction in itself, and inconsistent with the notions we, “ as Englishmen, muft ever entertain of our legal liberties; “ in maintenance of which, our predecessors in Parliament “ thought fit to alter the lineal succession of our Royal Fa. “ mily. This way of reasoning farther supposes, that the

mutual confidence betwixt his Majesty and his People is “ destroyed; that there is a distrust on one hand, and a « disaffection on the other, for which there is not the least “ ground or pretence. For his Majesty, by his residence “ amongst us this last summer, has not only given us the « clearest proof of his preferring the welfare and happiness “ of these Kingdoms to that of his own foreign Dominions, “ but has for ever secured the love of his subjects here, by his “ most gracious affability and personal condescension to thein. “ He has for ever secured that tranquillity at home, on which “he is pleased with so much satisfaction to congratulate his " Parliament. Nor can this tranquillity be affected by the « clamours in Ireland, against a late Patent for coining; for " there is a large army in that Kingdom sufficient to curb tu“ multuous spirits, and to awe patronizing malcontents, « should any such be found. Nay, if more forces are judged “ necessary, either for the honour or safety of the Government “ here, that Kingdom is able and willing to maintain moreon its " own Establishment; and therefore all arguments drawn from « thence relating to the present Question must be inconclusive. " The House may perhaps think fit, at a proper season, to “ listen so far to the complaints of our fellow-subjects in ano“ther Kingdom, as to call for this obnoxious Patent, and to examine into the grounds of it. For the mis-government « of Ireland has been frequently under the examination of the

House of Commons here, and such examinations have fre« quently proved fatal to as great Ministers as England ever “ bred : which may be matter of reflection to their successors, “ and to those it may concern; but never can be any induce. ~ ment to any English Parliament, to pay one Soldier more 66 than is absolutely necessary for our own use.

“ Now all Rebellions, all Conspiracies, seems to be totally « extinguished, not more by the late seasonable exertion of parso liamentary justice, than by the wise and prudent conduct of “ those in the Administration. They have so carefully re6 viewed, and modelled the forces of this summer in every s part of the nation, that, we are to hope, there are not left « even so many as three or four Serjeants and Corporals, who 66 shall have fool-hardiness enough to undertake again to draw o the whole Army into wild and chimerical attempts. They 66 have freed the Church from all apprehensions of danger, by co promoting only the most orthodox and learned part of the “ Clergy to the episcopal Dignity, and other ecclesiastical ti Preferments. They have preserved the State, by advancing “ only men of distinguished ability and experience to all great « Offices and Civil Employments. They have, which is " above all, reconciled their own animosīties, and have no « other contentions now, but who shall best serve his Majesty " and the Public, without any views of accumulating im6 mense wealth to themselves, or of aggrandizing their own “ private families. Such an Administration can never need " the assistance and protection of above eighteen thousand disa6 ciplined troops. Such an Administration should not suffer 6S the Army to run away with the reputation of their good and “ great works, or to assume the glory of raising our Credit, 66 enlarging our Trade, and establishing our present Prosperity.

6 Nor are our Foreign Affairs in a less flourishing con« dition than those at home, so far as I am capable of judging

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