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mankind, and which has long been the honour and safety of this Ife. You have thought it right to curb their ideas of property, which lead them to imagine, we have no right to take any part of that property away from them without their free consent. My Lords, I respect the Decisions of the Majorities of this Houfe; but if there Decisions may have arisen from any peculiar circumstances now no more existing; if they may have sprung from false or mistaken intelligence; if the whole difpofition of things, from various accidents and events, may have become totally different; perhaps it may not be unworthy your Lordships wisdom to reconsider what you have decided, to revise your judgments, to retrace the steps we may have too hastily trod. My Lords, in the beginning of our unhappy contests with America, those who debated the matter on the fide of the ruling Power of Government, stated not only the necessity, but the great facility of forcing to a compliance with all the demands of Government, such Colonies as should dare to offer their vain resistance: we are told they had not strength for war, they had not means of war, they had not union among themselves, that they wanted money, that they wanted discipline, that they wanted Officers: and, to sum up the whole, to make them contemptible even as submissive subjects, that they possessed not courage to face an English Soldier, whose birth on this side the Atlantic endowed him with that intrepid spirit, an American, whom even necessity had inured to toils, could never aspire to reach. The Decisions, my Lords, of Administration, gave them union; the refusal to hear their Petitions, confined the whole in a firm knot of calm, deliberate, desperate determination to resist. Money, which is but the type of property, was soon supplied by a type of equal sense and use ; even personal freedom gave way to public security, and personal property was sacrificed to the neceffities of the rising State. The disaffection was general, and British Governors now no longer administer Law in British America. How true the charge of wanting martial spirit proved, let those

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relate who first saw the blood of civil war spilt at Lexington, To those who saved the honour of the day, at the bloody forcing of the lines on Bunker's-Hill, to those who saw the British valour checked, may I safely refer for a full confutation of the absurd supposition, that men descended from the same line as ourselves, whose all is at stake, who think their cause just, would, like the most enervated Asiatic tribe, yield ą bloodless victory. My Lords, the history of human nature teaches us, that the greatest talents often lie hid in the most disguised obscurity, till accident, till the bustle of the times, calls forth the genius, and lights the ethereal spark; then do these meteors cast an unexpected blaze: an Apothecary's late 'prentice leads forth armies, displays the warrior's skill, the warrior's intrepidity, and meets a death a Roman might have envied : another, who, in peaceable times, might have never rose to greater praise than a jockey's skill, amidst every rigour of an inclement season, in an inclement country, astonishes us with a march a Hannibal would have admired, and carries the alarm of war to the walls of a great city, which must probably have yielded to the boldness of the undertaking, had not à Carleton faved it. I am not making a panegyric on American prowess, though great atchievements, even by an enemy, will ever meet my praise, But, my Lords, these are facts in capable of dispute. To come now, my Lords, to that which has cast the deepest stain on the glory of the British arms, to that which must rouse the indignation of all who feel for her disgrace : the army of Britain, equipped with every possible effential of war, a chosen army, with chosen Officers, backed with the power of a mighty fleet, sent to correct revolted fubjects, sent to chastise a resisting city, sent to assert Britain's authority, has for many tedious months been imprisoned within that town by the Provincial Army, who, their watchful guards, permitted them no inlet to the country, who braved all their efforts, and defied all their skill and abilities in war could ever attempt. One way, indeed, of escape was left; the feet is

yet yet respected; to the fleet the army has recourse, and British Generals, whose names never met with a blot of dishonour, are forced to quit that town which was the first object of the war, the immediate cause of hostilities, the place of arms, which has cost this nation more than a million to defend.

The Duke of Manchester, May 10, 1776.

I have been reading a work given us by a country, that is perpetually employed in productions of merit-I believe it is not yet published the History of Philip the Ild; and there find, that that tyrannical monarch never dreamt of the tyranny exercised by this Administration. Gods! Sir, fhall we be told, that you cannot annalyze grievances ! that you can have no communication with Rebels, because they have declared for Independency! Shall you be told this, when the tyrant Philip did it after the same circumstance in the Netherlands. By Edict he allowed their ships to enter their ports, and suffered them to depart in peace; he treated with them; made them Propositions; and positively declared that he would redress all their grievances. And James the Ild, when he was sailing from France, at the head of a formidable force, assisted like you by foreign troops, and having a great party in the kingdom, still offered specific terms; while his exceptions of pardon were few, amongst the rest my honourable friend's an. cestor, Sir Stephen Fox. But you will offer none;-you fimply tell them to lay down their arms, and then you will do just as you please. Could the most cruel conqueror fay less? Had you conquered the devil himself in hell, could you be less liberal? No! Sir, you would offer no terms ;-you meant to drive them to the declaration of Independency: and even after it was issued, ought, by your offers, to have reversed the effect. You would not receive the Remonstrance that I brought you from New-York, because it denied your Rights to certain Powers; yet the late King of France received the Remonitrances from his Parliaments, that exprefly denied his Rights

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to the Powers he was in the constant exercise of answered them, and even redressed some of the Grievances which those yery Remonstrançes complained of; though he refused to grant what he thought more peculiarly entrenched upon his own Authority.

In this situation, Sir, shocking to say, are we called upon by another Proclamation to go to the Altar of the Almighty, with war and vengeance in our hearts, instead of the peace of our Blessed Saviour; he said, “ My peace I give you,” but we are on this Fast to have war only in our hearts and mouths; war against our brei'iren.--'Till our churches are purified from this abominable service, I shall consider them, not as the temples of the Almighty, but the synagogues of fatan. An act not more infamous, respecting its political, than blasphemous, and profane as a pretended act of național devotion, when the People are called upon, in the most folemn and awful manner, to repair to Church, to partake of a Sacrament, and at the foot of the Altar to commit facrilege; -to perjure themselves publicly by charging their American brethren with the horrid crime of Rebellion, with propagating “ fpecious falfhood," when either the charge must be notoriously false, or those who make it, not knowing it to be true, call Almighty God to witness to not a specious, but a most audacious and blafphemous falfhood.

Mr. Burke, Nov. 2, 1776.

I Have read, Sir, a late Proclamation of that great General and Preacher, Mr. Burgoyne, which is shocking to a civilized and generous nation. As a State Paper it disgraces our country. The Jinperial Court have often employed many kind of irregular troops, Croats, Pandours, and Husfars, but their names disgrace no public act. If they plunder, they do not torture. The pious Preacher, Mr. Burgoyne, complains of this froward and stubborn generation ; and at the very moment of mentioning his consciousness of Christianity, displays a spirit of cruelty repugnant to every principle of humanity.

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He boasts that he will give stretch to the Indian forces under his direction, and they amount to thousands. Merciful Heayen! Thousands of Indian favages let loose by the command of a British General against our brethren in America! Human nature shrinks back from such a scene. At his heels, leaiht în like hounds, should famine, sword, and fire, crouch for em-ployment. Mr. Burgoyne's feelings as a man, I fear, will not hereafter be as universally acknowledged, as the military talents of the great General. In the present case I have that pity for him and his employers, which they have not shewn to others, What, Sir, has been, and continues, the conduct of the Indian favages in war? Is it not to exercise the most wanton cruelties on their enemies, without distinction of age and sex? The conduct of this war goes on a par with its principles. Has the feeble old man, the helpless infant, the defenceless female, ever experienced the tender mercies of an Indian favage? He drinks the blood of his enemy, and his favourite repast is on human fesh. Is a stretch given to thousands of these cannibals by command, in a public Manifesto of one of the King's Generals? I am bold, Sir, to declare, that such orders are unworthy the General of any Christian King. ( They are only becoming a Jewish Priest to a Jewish King, a Samuel to a Saul, in the most bloody and barbarous of all histories, the History of the Jewish Nation. The orders of the Jewish Priests were, now go and smite the Amalekites, and destroy all that they have, and {pare them not; but slay both man and woman, ox and sheep, camel and ass.) General Burgoyne threatens the Americans with all the Vengeance of the State, not its justice, that the messenger of wrath will meet them in the field, devastation, and famine, and every concomitant horror. Not the sword of even-handed justice falling on the head of the bold rebel, but the savage horrors of the tomahawk, from the thousands of Indians under his direction, on the innocent women and children. I remember, Sir, an honourable Gentleman, (Lord Advocate of Scotland) whom I see in his place; a Gentleman

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