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testable traffic. But they had renounced it with abhorrence. Nor was this all. The people of property in those states were possessed of large numbers of slaves; and it was natural for every selfish passion to oppose the surrender of such a species of property. Yet the first measure of the Columbian Governments was in decided opposition to all those narrow notions of self-interest, which had, in other instances, so strongly interfered with all attempts to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and to prepare the way for their emancipation. They had not only decreed the entire abolition of the Slave Trade, but they had adopted the regulations which were best calculated, in no long time, to give freedom to the unfortunate be ings now in slavery, and to their descendants. He held in his hand a letter from a gentleman in that quarter, which contained the Law of Emancipation passed by the first General Council of Columbia. From this it appeared, that an amendment, fixing the emancipation of the rising race at twenty-five instead of eighteen years of age [the original proposition], was negatived by a majority of ten votes to one. All born, therefore, after the Revolution, are to be free at eighteen years of age. And such was the horror of that assembly, composed of enlightened men from every district, at the continuance of Slavery, under any modification, that they had established a fund, by a general tax upon property, for the progressive redemption of all who were still in bondage. All Slaves who had assisted in a military capacity, in achieving the independence of the Republic, were at once declared free. He need not say how peculiarly so noble a sacrifice entitled them to the gratitude of this Institution. It was most gratifying, further, to learn, that all the labouring classes in the state of Columbia, the newly enfranchised as well as those who had not yet been redeemed, were all peaceably at work, and that the utmost harmony prevailed among them. It was also a principle adopted by the Columbian Government, that colour should not in any degree disqualify persons from aspiring to public offices, whether civil or military: all, of what ever colour, were entitled to the same privileges as White men: the career to glory and honour was alike open to all. He must repeat, that he knew of no country which was so justly entitled

to their cordial approbation as the infant Republics of South America, for the conduct which they had adopted respecting this detestable traffic, and still more in respect to the state of Slavery itself. General Bolivar, who had previously been at the head of the Venezuelan Government, began the good work there, and did so by the enfranchisement of his own slaves, 700 or 800 in number, for he was a most opulent landed proprietor. From the beginning he denounced the Slave Trade as an intolerable evil; but he had the manliness not to stop there, but to carry his principles into their full practical effect. To perpetuate slavery beyond the dire necessity of the case, would in his view have been inconsistent with the abolition of the trade. To omit any fair opportunity of relieving those who had been the victims of that gross injustice, from the chains it had imposed upon them, would, he conceived, be as indefensible an act as that of the robber who should avow his crime, admit its enormity, and yet withhold restitution of his booty. Fifteen years had now elapsed since Great Britain had decreed the abolition of the Slave Trade, and what had been done in her colonies which tended to abridge the period or lighten the chains of Slavery? Was it not true at this moment, that the child born yesterday in these colonies was still a Slave, and that for ever? No effective measures whatever had yet been adopted there towards the extinction of slavery. Human beings were still liable to be sold at the will of a master: they were still liable to be torn from their families, and from all their local ties and connexions, and sent into a distant colony. They were destitute of any available legal protection, being without the means of appealing to courts of justice for redress. That brutal system of acting, not on the moral feelings, but on the bodily sensation of pain-the driving, the flogging system-was still continued in our islands. The conduct of the new states of South America was indeed raised in moral value by the contrast it presented to that of the British colonies. He again hoped that public opinion would do much in aiding their object for the general abolition; and he earnestly trusted, that they would see the necessity of putting the funds of the Institution upon such a footing as would enable them to diffuse, as widely as might

be necessary, that information which charitable Protestant benefactors and was calculated to arouse public opinion fellow-subjects in England. in their behalf throughout the world."

DR. O'SHAUGHNESSY'S LETTER

TO HIS CLERGY.

We are requested, by the Committee for the distressed Irish, to insert the following letter from the titular Bishop of Killaloe to his clergy. It is certainly conceived in a very grateful and conciliating tone towards his Protestant fellow-subjects. We could, however, have spared a theatrical exclamation; nor are we quite reconciled to mentioning "balls and theatres" with "charity sermons," in a solemn form to be read in places of Divine worship. Independently of other objections, balls and theatrical performances are most unproductive vehicles of benevolence; as in general, after paying the expenses, very little is left for the charity.

"Dear Sir,

"You will mention from your altar, on Sunday next, that Dr. O'Shaughnessy, R. C. Bishop of Killaloe, requests that the pastors of the distressed districts of said diocese should, at their respective chapels, excite their flocks to unite with the clergy in expressing their heartfelt and everlasting gratitude, for the unexampled, necessary, and timely relief administered to them, through the paternal influence of our beloved Sovereign, by the kind gene. rosity of the government, and by the numerous donations of our benefactors in Ireland; but above all, by our truly

"This work of mercy originated with our generous and compassionate friends in England, by whose zeal and piety immense sums poured in on the LondonTavern committee of management, by whose anxiety for our relief all possible means were adopted-charity sermons, benefits of balls and theatres-and having tried all other measures, collections from door to door were resorted to, with considerable success.

"In the history of the world is there to be found an instance of such benevolent feelings as are now manifested? and by whom? by the illustrious English Protestants, in favour of the destitute Roman Catholics of Ireland.

"As the apprehension of famine must soon be done away, by the prospect of an abundant harvest, this same great nation is turning its thoughts towards a supply of night and day covering, for men, women, and children, of our halfnaked peasantry.

"Heavenly God! can those wretched poor people ever forget such kindness! [Here let the congregation kneel down.]-Therefore, with our heart and voice, let us offer our fervent prayer to the throne of the Eternal God, humbly and earnestly beseeching him, that every spiritual and temporal happiness and prosperity may be the reward of this unheard-of munificence, in favour of the destitute population of this unfortunate country. "August 3, 1822."

VIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

FOREIGN.

FRANCE. The French papers have been chiefly filled with the continuation of the trials, in the assize court of Poictiers, of General Berton and his accomplices, for the late conspiracy at Saumur; and with the details of another course of state trials, in Paris, of 25 prisoners, for the conspiracy at Rochelle. In the former, Berton and five of his associates have been condemned to death, and eight others have been sentenced to heavy fines and imprisonment; in the latter, four have been capitally convicted, seven are to be imprisoned, one is liberated, but placed under thirteen years of police superintendance, and thirteen are CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 249.

acquitted. These trials strongly display the agitated state of public feeling in France; a state of things not likely to be remedied by the striking partialities which seem to influence the judicial tribunals in the conduct of trials affecting points of state policy. The guilt of the condemned parties in these trials appears to be established, and there is little room to doubt that the ringleaders wished to effect a revolution. But some of the proceedings on their trials, even if we allow the final decision to be substantially just, were no better than a mockery of justice. To say nothing of the improper and partial interference of the judges with the prisoners and witnesses, and

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of the greater latitude of remark allowed to the prosecuting advocates above those employed for the defence, let us look at the case of Berton himself. He was denied the privilege of choosing his own counsel; and counsel of whom he is stated to have known nothing, and with whom he refused to communicate, was arbitrarily thrust upon him by the court, and that for the mere purpose of obviating a technical inconvenience, it being provided by the law that conviction shall not take place until the counsel of the accused shall have been heard in his defence. On this occasion the assigned counsel refused to act; and under these circumstances Berton was exposed for several days to a rigid cross-examination from the bar and the bench, and, quite in opposition to all British notions of jurisprudence, was subjected to interrogatories directly tending to self-crimination. To add to the glaring injustice of this proceeding, the name of M. Drault (the advocate who had refused to obtrude his services as counsel upon a man who denied him his confidence and protested against his appointment,) was, by a summary order of the court, struck off the list of advocates. Such a precedent is certainly calculated to increase the servile spirit of the French bar, and to deter advocates from that unshrinking discharge of their duties, the advantage of which is so powerfully felt in this country.

But while we so severely animadvert on the judicial institutions of our neighbours, let us not forget the cruel and barbarous policy of our own laws, which denies to criminals on their trial, even for capital crimes (treason excepted), the benefit of professional advocates, on the unsatisfactory pretext that the judge is counsel for the prisoner. We trust to see this disgusting remnant of ancient oppression speedily wiped away from our criminal code.

The trials of the conspirators has led to other judicial proceedings. Four journalists have been found guilty of" incorrectness and bad faith" in report ing these trials, and have been punished by imprisonment, and also by a prohibition, for a certain period, to publish any of the proceedings of courts of justice. Assuming the delinquency charged against these journalists to have been proved, we should not be disposed to object to the punishment as too severe, provided only that the court was as rigid in punishing the mala fides of those jour

nalists who wilfully reported to the injury of the accused, as of those who dishonestly favoured their cause. It may be difficult in this free country, and under a long-settled constitution, to judge precisely how great a degree of temporary restriction is necessary in France, under present circumstances, to preserve the public peace from the attacks of individuals who may make liberty and the charter a pretext for disorder and revolution; but it seems to us very probable that the French government is at present stepping beyond this necessity, and making an undue and impolitic use of its power. As it can have no rational ground to expect, that, in the existing circumstances of France, it can possibly stifle public sentiment, the attempt to do so must eventually hasten on the very catastrophe, the apprehension of which has led to the attempt. But even if an oppressive partisanship were less unwise and less immoral than we are disposed to think it, as respects the members of legislative and executive bodies, still it ought, for the sake eventually of all parties, to be excluded from courts of justice. We are inclined, however, to attribute the anomalous proceedings in the French criminal courts, partly at least, to inexperience; and we trust it will not be long before judges, juries, prosecutors, witnesses, and advocates, will better understand and discharge their respective duties. The intercourse of France with Great Britain, since the termination of the war, has already opened the way to the adoption of several useful projects and benevolent institutions from this country; and we are happy to learn, that one point, not the least important point, towards which patriotic and enlightened persons among our neighbours are directing their attention, is the amelioration of their judicial system. We, however, have much also which requires amendment in our own system of criminal jurisprudence: and, most unquestionably, in what regards our administration of civil law, we might borrow very advantageously from the beautifully arranged and simplified code of our neighbours.

SPAIN. A civil war continues to rage in the northern parts of Spain, and a war of words and proclamations in the capital and throughout the country. The constitutionalists, elated with their late triumph, have adopted severe measures against their opponents,

and some disturbed districts have been placed under martial law. They also appear to have committed an act of great injustice in the case of Elio, the Royalist governor of Valentia. Under the late ministry he had been tried for cruelties towards the Revolutionists, and condemned to death, but had been pardoned. Since the accession of the present ministry to power, he has been tried again, convicted, and publicly strangled. The King is not permitted to quit the capital. The irritation of the anti-constitutionalists is of course increased by these proceedings. Their troops entitle themselves the Army of the Faith, and their cause has a powerful hold on many of the people, from the force of their religious habits and prejudices, which the liberal party have probably too little respected, or may even have outraged with no sparing hand. Scepticism and infidelity, on the one side, and Popish error, superstition, and bigotry, on the other, prevail, we fear, among the majority of the active members of the contending sides; though doubtless many individuals of the revolutionary party are zealous Catholics, and some of their opponents sceptics. The Cortes are soon to meet. We very earnestly wish that their session may heal rather than inflame the civil wounds of their country. This would perhaps be more effectually done by the institution of a political body resembling the House of Lords in England, or the Senate of the United States, than by any other expedient that could be adopted. At present, the collision between the executive and the democratic parts of the constitution is too immediate and perpetual to afford a fair hope of internal peace.

TURKEY.-The reports from the theatre of war between the Greeks and Turks are so inexplicably contradictory, that we forbear to attempt to unravel them. The reports of the late alleged Greek successes are not only disputed, but the Turks are affirmed to have driven their opponents from the Morea itself. It should be added, however, that most of the rumours unfavourable to the Greek cause arrive through channels not accustomed to give favourable views of their proceedings. The relief from the fear of Russian aggression on the north, will of course have given to the Turks a formidable opportunity of concentrating their forces against the

undisciplined Greek insurgents. At Constantinople, the ferocity of the populace towards the Christians has been much better restrained than formerly; owing, we suppose, to the recent stipulations with Russia. On the death of the patriarch, a few weeks since, the Greeks were permitted to assemble peaceably to elect a new one, and their choice was approved.

THE CONGRESS.-The Congress has begun to assemble at Vienna, whence, it is said, it will shortly be transferred to Verona. The Emperor of Russia has already reached the Austrian capital. The Duke of Wellington, though in indifferent health, has left England to appear there as the representative of his Britannic Majesty. To this august meeting Europe is now looking with almost breathless expectation. Her peace is in its hands. If the great powers who will sway its decisions should meet with a real desire to respect the rights of independent nations, and to favour the diffusion of rational liberty and the march of general improvement in Europe, we and our children, and our children's children, may have cause to bless their deliberations. If, on the contrary, they should meet under the influence of a morbid fear of change, and of all improvement as leading to change; if under this influence they should attempt to crush the rising liberties of Spain and Portugal, as has already been done in the case of Naples; the probability is, that the revolutionary spirit may extend itself far beyond its present limits, and again involve the continent in confusion and conflict. But what will be done with Greece? Are the Greeks to be sacrificed, lest the members of the Holy Alliance should violate their anti-revolutionary consistency? Are they to be left to the tender mercies of their Moslem masters, lest their example should prove contagious? Are we to behold

them exterminated from the land of their fathers, and either cruelly butchered, or sold into slavery, with every circumstance of aggravation that the passions of fear and rage and flict on a brave but subjugated peorevenge and lust, combined, can inple, lest the oppressed should hereafter ever dare to raise their voice or their arm against the oppressor? If such be the policy of this congress of sovereigns, England, we trust, will be no party to it. Her voice, we trust, will be raised, and not in vain, against

it. She, at least, we trust, will wash her hands of the guilt and the infamy of such conduct. She, at least, will assume, unequivocally, the attitude of the friend of the unhappy Greeks, and, if she can do no more, will do her best to afford them a secure asylum beyond the reach of Turkish ferocity. But is it possible to believe that she may not do more? Is it possible to believe that her generous intervention would be fruitless? She would, and must, be listened to, should she pronounce with sufficient decision, on this occasion, in favour of suffering humanity and outraged religion; and she would place herself higher in the estimation of Europe by that single act, than by all the glories which have accumulated around her during the last twenty years, even if we include her efforts in favour of Africa.

But this reminds us of another anxious topic, which is to occupy, as we understand, the attention of the Congress, we mean, the African Slave Trade. In whatever degree a regard to consistency may influence the sovereigns assembled in congress to withhold their countenance from the cause of the Greeks, this consideration ought to influence them in a tenfold degree in absolutely insisting on the total and final extinction of the African Slave Trade. Their faith and honour are pledged to the early accomplishment of this object. The memorable Declaration of Vienna still rings in our ears, in which they expressed their determination" to put an end to a scourge which has so long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and afflicted humanity"-to employ "all the means in their power for the most prompt and effectual execution of this object "and" to act, in the employment of these means, with all the zeal

and all the perseverance which so great and good a cause merits."What will be their astonishment to find that the evil, thus denounced and condemned, has been flourishing and extending itself ever since; and that, at this very moment, tolerated, if not encouraged, by some of the very powers who were parties to this solemn sentence, it has attained an unprecedented extent of enormity! When the proof of this fact shall have been exhibited to them, it cannot be that they will not proceed forthwith to vindicate their contemned authority, and to carry into execution the sentence they have pronounced in the face of the world. Is, then, the Holy Alliance to be efficient only against the independence of nations; and are those of its decrees only to be impotent which favour humanity? And shall we see Sovereigns, who proclaim the Bible as their rule, taking a deeper interest in the bounds of some petty province, than in the happiness of a third of the habitable globe?

DOMESTIC.

The King returned from Scotland at the commencement of the month. His Majesty has since appointed Mr. Canning to the office of Foreign Secretary, void by the death of Lord Londonderry. Mr. Canning, of course, relinquishes the Governor-Generalship of India. His successor has not yet been appointed.

With feelings of humble gratitude to the bountiful Author of all mercies, we record that the harvest has been highly favourable and abundant; and that we may confidently anticipate a continuance of that plenty and cheapness of food which this nation at present experiences. May our national gratitude rise in proportion to our mercies!

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

A YOUNG INQUirer; DubitaNS; AMICUS; E. W. E. H.; CLERICUS; S. H.; SCRU TATOR; A LOVER OF CONSISTENCY; R. H. S.; J. B.; J. M.; and A.; have been received and are under consideration. It would not be compatible

We are much

The

with our plan to enter into the engagement C. R. proposes. obliged to H. for his packets. The paper on Necessity and Predestination," would, we fear, lead to a long and not very profitable controversy. Commentary respecting which C. C. C. inquires, was composed by some members of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. He will find an account of its compilers in Calamy's Life of Baxter. The public discussion SABBATARIUS suggests might probably defeat his object. B. B. had better insert his poem' in the chaunel he mentions. Much literary and religious intelligence arrived too late. We have again to state, to several complaining Authors, that we mean no disrespect to them, or their works, or their principles, in not reviewing their productions. Much as we desire to satisfy the reasonable wishes of anthors, it is not in our power to review a tenth of the works that are published, without reducing our critiques to mere literary notices.

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