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The frequent remonstrances of the Commander in Chief, the opinions of all military men, the severe correcting hand of experience, had, at length, produced their effect on Congress; and, soon after the defeat on Long Island, it had been referred to the committee, composing the Board of War, to prepare a plan of operations for the next succeeding campaign. Their report, which was adopted by Congress, proposed a permanent army, to be enlisted for the war, and to be composed of eighty-eight battalions, to be raised by the several states in proportion to their ability*. As an inducement to enlist, a bounty of twenty dollars was allowed, and small portions of vacant lands promised to every officer and soldier t.

* New Hampshire.............

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Had this system been adopted in 1775, the war would probably have been of much shorter duration; but much is to be allowed for the want of military experience in Congress; for prejudices. which prevailed throughout America; and very much for the organization of the government, which, while the essentials of power were parcelled out among the several local legislatures, placed, in that of the union, little more than the right to recommend, a right to be exercised with great caution-because measures, manifesting an expectation that the war might be of long continuance, or which might excite a suspicion of aiming at independence, or of an indisposition to a re-establishment of the antient connexion between Great Britain and America might, in the early stage of the contest, have produced very serious consequences in some parts of the union.

The first use made by Lord Howe of the victory of the 27th of August, was to avail himself of the impression it had probably made on Congress, by

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The resolution was afterwards changed, so as to give the

option to enlist for three years, or during the war.

listing for three years not to be entitled to land.

Those en

VOL. II.

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opening a negotiation, in conformity with his pow ers as a Commissioner. For this purpose, General Sullivan was sent on parole to Philadelphia, with a verbal message, the import of which, when reduced to writing, was, that though he could not, at present, treat with Congress as a political body, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of their members, whom he would consider, for the present, only as private gentlemen, and meet them as such at any place they would appoint.

That he, in conjunction with General Howe, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, on terms advantageous to both; the obtaining of which delayed him near two months in England, and prevented his arrival at New York before the declaration of independence took place.

That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could allege being compelled to enter into such agreement.

That in case Congress were disposed to treat, many things, which they had not as yet asked, might and ought to be granted them; and that, if, upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an accommodation, the authority of Congress must be afterwards acknowledged, otherwise the compact would not be complete.

This proposition of Lord Howe was not without its embarrassments. To reject it altogether would

be

be to give some countenance to the opinion that, if independence were waved, a restoration of the antient connexion between the two countries, on principles formerly deemed constitutional, was still practicable; an opinion believed by Congress not to be well-founded, but which would have an unfavourable effect on the public sentiment, and which, therefore, it was useful to explode. On the other hand, to enter into a negotiation, under such circumstances, might excite a suspicion that their determination to maintain the independence they had declared was not immoveable, and that things were in such a situation, as to admit of some relaxation in the measures necessary for the defence of the country.

The answer given to Lord Howe, through General Sullivan, was, That Congress, being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, cannot with propriety send any of its members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that, ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body, to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorised by Congress for that purpose, on behalf of America; and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think proper to make respecting the same."

The President was at the same time directed to

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give to General Washington the opinion of Con gress, that no propositions for making peace "ought to be received or attended to, unless the same be made in writing, and addressed to the representatives of the United States in Congress, or persons authorized by them. And if application be made to him by any of the Commanders of the British forces on that subject, that he inform them, that the United States, who entered into the war only for the defence of their lives and liberties, will cheerfully agree to peace, on reasonable terms, whenever such shall be proposed to them in manner aforesaid."

It is worthy of remark, that, in these resolutions, Congress preserve the appearance of insisting on the independence of the United States, without declaring it to be the indispensable condition of peace.

Mr. Franklin, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Edward Rutlege, all zealous advocates for independence, were appointed, in conformity with the first resolution, to receive the communications of Lord Howe.

They waited on his lordship, and, on their return, reported, that "he had received them, on the 11th of September, on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, with great politeness."

He opened the conversation by acquainting them, that though he could not treat with them as a com

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