fectly satisfactory.

Far short as was the proposi

tion of the demands of America, and apparent

as

"That there is not the least probability of a change of administration.

"That they are perfectly united in opinion, and determined to pursue the most effectual measures, and to use the whole force of the kingdom, if it be found necessary, to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and colonies.

"There is so great a spirit in the nation against the Congress, that the people will bear the temporary distress of a stoppage of the American trade.

“They may depend on this to be true."

This paper was ordered to lie on the table, and the resolution which had been referred to Congress by the legislatures of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, was not acted on till the last of July, sometime after hostilities had commenced, when it was resolved "That the colonies of America are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money. That this involves a right of deliberating whether they will make any gift, for what purposes it shall be made, and what shall be its amount; and that it is a high breach of this privilege for any body of men, extraneous to their constitutions, to proscribe the purposes for which money shall be levied on them, to take to themselves the authority of judging of their conditions, circumstances, and situations, and of determining the amount of the contribution to be levied.

"That as the colonies possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they entitled at all times, to enquire into their application, to see that they be not wasted among the venal and corrupt for the purpose of undermining the civil rights of the givers; nor yet be diverted to the support of standing armies, inconsistent with their freedom, and subversive of their quiet. To propose, therefore, as this resolution does, that the monies given by the colonies shall be subject

as it must have been that it could not be accepted; it was received with indignation by the majority of

the

subject to the disposal of parliament alone, is to propose that they shall relinquish this right of enquiry, and put it in the power of others to render their gifts ruinous, in proportion as they are liberal.

"That this privilege of giving or withholding our monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative, which, if left altogether without controul, may be exercised to our great oppression; and all history shews how efficacious is its intercession for redress of grievances, and re-establishment of rights, and how improvident it would be to part with so powerful a mediator.

"We are of opinion that the proposition contained in this resolution is unreasonable and invidious; unreasonable, because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare without reservation, we will purchase the favour of parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price they will be pleased to estimate their favour; it is invidious, because, individual colonies, having bid and bidden. again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their power to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer.

"That the suspension of the exercise of their pretended power of taxation, being expressly made commensurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. Where as no experience has shewn that a gift of perpetual revenue secures a perpetual return of duty or of kind disposition. On the contrary, the parliament itself, wisely attentive to this observation,

is

the house, and the administration found it neces sary, so to explain the measure as to shew that it

was

is in the established practise of granting their supplies from year to year only.

"Desirous and determined as we are, to consider, in the most dispassionate view, every seeming advance towards a reconciliation made by the British parliament, let our brethren of Britain reflect what would have been the sacrifice to men of free spirits, had even fair terms been proffered, as these insidious proposals were, with circumstances of insult and defiance. A proposition to give our money, accompanied with large fleets and armies, seems addressed to our fears rather than to our freedom. With what patience would Britons have received articles of treaty from any power on earth when borne on the point of the bayonet by military plenipotentiaries?

"We think the attempt unnecessary to raise upon us by force or by threats, our proportionable contributions to the common de fence, when all know, and themselves acknowledge, we have fully contributed, whenever called upon to do so, in the character of freemen.

"We are of opinion, it is not just that the colonies should be required to oblige themselves to other contributions, while Great Britain possesses a monopoly of their trade. This of itself lays them under heavy contributions. To demand, therefore, additional aids, in the form of a tax, is to demand the double of their equal proportion. If we are to contribute equally with the other parts of the empire, let us equally with them, enjoy free commerce with the whole world. But while the restrictions on our trade shut to us the resources of wealth, is it just we should bear all other burthens, equally with those to whom every resource is open?

We

was in maintenance of their right to tax the colonies. Before it could be adopted, Lord North condescend

ed

"We conceive that the British parliament has no right to intermeddle with our provisions for the support of civil government, or administration of justice. The provisions we have made are such as please ourselves, and are agreeable to our circumstances. They answer the substantial purposes of government and of justice, and other purposes than these should not be answered. We do not mean that our people should be burthened with oppressive taxes, to provide sinecures for the idle or the wicked, under the colour of providing for a civil list. While parliament pursue their plan of civil government within their own jurisdiction, we also hope to pursue ours without molestation.

"We are of opinion the proposition is altogether unsatisfactory; because it imports only a suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us. Because, too, it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament, passed for the purposes of restraining the trade, and altering the form of government of one of our colonies; extending the boundaries and changing the government of Quebec; enlarging the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty; taking from us the right of a trial by a jury of the vicinage, in cases affecting both life and property; transporting us into other countries to be tried for criminal of fences; exempting, by mock trial, the murderers of colonists from punishment; and quartering soldiers upon us in times of profound peace. Nor do they renounce the power of suspending our own legislatures, and of legislating for us themselves, in all cases whatsoever. On the contrary, to shew they mean no discontinuance of injury, they pass acts, at the very time of holding out this proposi

ed to make the dangerous, and not very reputable acknowledgment that it was a proposition designed

to

tion, for restraining the commerce and fisheries of the province of New England, and for interdicting the trade of other colonies with all foreign nations, and with each other. This proves unequivocally they mean not to relinquish the exercise of indiscriminate legislation over us.

"Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us, but the mode of levying taxes, and that the parliament having now been so good as to give up this, the colonists are unreasonable, if not perfectly satisfied; whereas, in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of demanding ad libitum, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property. But, what is of more importance, and what is this proposal they keep out of sight, as if no such point was now in contest between us, they claim a right to alter our charters, and establish laws, and leave us without any security for our lives or liberties. The proposition seems also to have been calculated more particu larly to lull into fatal security our well affected fellow subjects on the other side of the water, till time should be given for the operation of those arms, which a British minister pronounced, would instantaneously reduce the cowardly,' sons of America to unreserved submission. But when the world reflects, how inadequate to justice, are these vaunted terms; when it attends to the rapid and bold succession of injuries which, during a course of eleven years, have been aimed at these colonies; when it reviews the pacific and respectful expostulations, which, during that whole time, were the sole arms we opposed to them; when it observes that our complaints were either

not