Oh! but he reserved a superintendence over them. You shall hear what the superintendence was; you shall see, feel, smell, touch-it shall enter into every avenue and pore of your soul. It will show you what was the real principle of Mr. Hastings's government. We will read to you what Sir John Shore says of that institution, and of the only ends and purposes which it could answer; your lordships will then see how far he was justifiable in violating an act of parliament, and giving out of the council's hands the great trust, which the laws of his country had vested in them. It is part of a paper written in 1785, by Mr. Shore, who was sole acting president of this committee, to which all Bengal was delivered; he was an old servant of the company, and he is now at the head of the government of that country. He was Mr. Hastings's particular friend, and therefore you cannot doubt either of his being a competent evidence, or that he is a favorable evidence for Mr. Hastings, and that he would not say one word against the establishment of which he himself was at the head, that was not perfectly true, and forced out of him by the truth of the case. There is not a single part of it, that does not point out some abuse.

"In the actual collection of the revenues, nothing is more necessary than to give immediate attention to all complaints, which are preferred daily without number, and to dispatch them in a summary manner; this cannot be done where the control is remote. In every pergunnah throughout Bengal there are some distinct usages, which cannot be clearly known at a distance; yet in all complaints of oppression or extortion, these must be known before a decision can be pronounced. But to learn at Calcutta the particular customs of a district of Radshahy or Daca is almost impossible; and considering the channel through which an explanation must pass, and through which the complaint is made, any coloring may be given to it; and oppression and extortion, to the ruin of a district, may be practised with impunity. This is a

continual source of embarrassment to the committee of revenue in Calcutta.

"One object of their institution was to bring the revenues without the expenses of agency to the presidency, and to remove all local control over the farmers, who were to pay their rents at Calcutta. When complaints are made against farmers by the occupiers of the lands, it is almost impossible to discriminate truth from falsehood. But to prevent a failure in the revenue, it is found necessary, in all doubtful cases, to support the farmer; a circumstance which may give rise to and confirm the most cruel acts of oppression. The real state of any district cannot be known by the committee. An occupier or zemindar may plead that an inundation has ruined him, or that his country is a desert through want of rain. An aumeen is sent to examine the complaint; he returns with an exaggerated account of losses proved in volumes of intricate accounts, which the committee have no time to read, and for which the aumeen is well paid. Possibly, however, the whole account is false. Suppose no aumeen is employed and the renter is held to the tenor of his engagement, the loss, if real, must occasion his ruin, unless his assessment is very moderate indeed.

"I may venture to pronounce, that the real state of the districts is now less known, and the revenue less understood, than in the year 1774. Since the natives have had the disposal of accounts, since they have been introduced as agents and trusted with authority, intricacy and confusion have taken place; the records and accounts which have been compiled are numerous; yet when any particular account is wanted, it cannot be found. It is the business of all, from the ryots to the dewan, to conceal and deceive. The simplest matters of fact are designedly covered with a veil through which no human understanding can penetrate.

"With respect to the present committee of revenue, it is morally impossible for them to execute the business they are intrusted with. They are invested with a general control,

and they have an executive authority, larger than ever was before given to any board or body of men. They may and must get through the business. But to pretend to assert that they really execute it, would be folly and falsehood.

"The grand object of the native dewannies was, to acquire independent control, and for many years they have pursued this with wonderful art. The farmers and zemindars under the committee prosecute the same plan, and have already objections to any thing that has the least appearance of restriction. All control removed, they can plunder as they please.

"The committee must have a dewan or executive officer, call him by what name you please. This man, in fact, has all the revenues paid at the presidency at his disposal, and can, if he has any abilities, bring all the renters under contribution. It is of little advantage to restrain the committee themselves from bribery or corruption, when their executive officer has the power of protecting both undetected.

"To display the arts employed by a native on such an occasion, would fill a volume. He discovers the secret resources of the zemindars and renters, their enemies and competitors, and by the engines of hope and fear raised upon these foundations, he can work them to his purpose. The committee, with the best intentions, best abilities, and steadiest application, must after all be a tool in the hand of their dewan."

Here is the account of Mr. Hastings's new committee of revenue, substituted in the place of an establishment made by act of parliament; here is what he has substituted for provincial councils. Here is what he has substituted in the room of the whole regular order of the service, which he totally subverted. Can we add any thing to this picture? Can we heighten it? Can we do any thing more than to recommend it to your lordships' serious consideration?

But before I finally dismiss this part of our charge, I must

request your lordships' most earnest attention to the true character of these atrocious proceedings, as they now stand proved before you, by direct or the strongest presumptive evidence upon the company's records, and by his own confessions and declarations, and those of his most intimate friends and avowed agents. Your lordships will recollect that, previously to the appointment of Mr. Hastings to be the governor-general, in 1772, the collection of the revenues was committed to a naib dewan, or native collector, under the control of the supreme council; and that Mr. Hastings did at that time, and upon various occasions afterwards, declare it to be his decided and fixed opinion, that nothing would be so detrimental to the interests of the company, and to the happiness and welfare of the inhabitants of their provinces, as changes, and more especially sudden changes, in the collection of their revenues. His opinion was also most strongly and reiteratedly pressed upon him by his masters, the court of directors. The first step taken after his appointment was to abolish the office of naib dewan, and to send a committee through the provinces, at the expense of £50,000 a year, to make a settlement of rents to be paid by the natives for five years. At the same time he appointed one of the company's servants to be the collector in each province, and he abolished the general board of revenue, which had been established at Moorshedabad, chiefly for the following reasons; that by its exercising a separate control, the members of the supreme council at Calcutta were prevented from acquiring that intimate acquaintance with the revenues, which was necessary to persons in their station; and because many of the powers, necessary for the collection of the revenues, could not be delegated to a subordinate council. In consideration of these opinions, orders, and declarations, he, in 1773, abolished the office of collector, and transferred the management of the revenues to several councils of revenue, called provincial councils, and recommended their perpetual establishment by act of parliament. In the year 1774, in con

tradiction of his former opinion, respecting the necessity of the supreme council possessing all possible means of becoming acquainted with the details of the revenue, he again recommended the continuance of the provincial councils in all their parts. This he again declared to be his deliberate opinion in 1775 and in 1776. In the mean time a majority of the supreme council, consisting of members who had generally differed in opinion from Mr. Hastings, had transmitted their advice to the court of directors, recommending some changes in the system of provincial councils. The directors, in their reply to this recommendation, did, in 1777, order the supreme council to form a new plan for the collection of the revenues, and to transmit it to them for their consideration.

No such plan was transmitted; but in the year 1781, Mr. Hastings having obtained a majority in the council, he again changed the whole system, both of the collection of the revenue and of the executive administration of civil and criminal justice. And who were the persons substituted in the place of those whom he removed? Names, my lords, with which you are already but too well acquainted. At their head stands Munny Begum; then comes his own domestic and private bribe agent Gunga Govin Sing; then his banyan, Cantoo Baboo; then, that instrument of all evil, Debi Sing; then the whole tribe of his dependants white and black, whom he made farmers of the revenue, with Colonel Hannay at their head; and lastly, his confidential residents, secret agents, and private secretaries, Mr. Middleton, Major Palmer, &c. &c.-Can your lordships doubt, for a single instant, of the real spirit of these proceedings? Can you doubt of the whole design having originated and ended in corruption and peculation?

We have fully stated to you, from the authority of these parties themselves, the effects and consequences of these proceedings—namely, the dilapidation of the revenues, and the ruin and desolation of the provinces. And, my lords,