decide upon their title; because no part of this tribunal is competent to decide upon their title. You have not the parties before you; you have not the cause before you, but are getting it by oblique, improper, and indecent means. You are not a court of justice, to try that question. The parties are at a distance from you. They are neither present themselves, nor represented by any counsel, advocate, or attorney and I hope no House of Lords will ever judge and decide upon the title of any human being, much less upon the title of the first women in Asia, sequestered, shut up from you, at nine thousand miles distance.

I believe, my lords, that the emperor of Hindostan little thought, while Delhi stood, that an English subject of Mr. Hastings's description should domineer over the vizier of his empire, and give the law to the first persons in his dominions. He as little dreamed of it as any of your lordships now dream, that you shall have your property seized by a delegate from Lucknow, and have it tried by what tenure a peer or peeress of Great Britain hold, the one his estate, and the other her jointure, dower, or her share of goods, her paraphernalia, in any court of adawlet in Hindostan. If any such thing should happen,-for we know not what may happen; we live in an age of strange revolutions, and I doubt whether any more strange than this,-the Commons of Great Britain would shed their best blood, sooner than suffer that a tribunal at Lucknow should decide upon any of your titles, for the purpose of justifying a robber, that has taken your property. We should do the best we could, if such a strange circumstance occurred.

The House of Commons, who are virtually the representatives of Lucknow, and who lately took £500,000 of their money, will not suffer the natives first to be robbed of their property, and then the titles, which, by the laws of their own country, they have to the goods they possess, to be tried by any tribunal in Great Brittain. Why was it not tried in India before Mr. Hastings? One would suppose that an Eng

lish governor, if called to decide upon such a claim of the nabob's, would doubtless be attended by judges, muftis, lawyers, and all the apparatus of legal justice.-No such thing: this man marches into the country, not with molavies, not with muftis, not with the solemn apparatus of oriental justice-no; he goes with colonels and captains, and majors: these are his lawyers; and when he gets there, he demands from the parties, not their title.-No: give me your money, is his cry. It is a shame, (and I will venture to say, that these gentlemen, upon recollection, will feel ashamed,) to see the bar justify what the sword is ashamed of. In reading this correspondence, I have found these great muftis and lawyers, these great chief justices, attornies-general, and solicitors-general, called colonels and captains, ashamed of these proceedings, and endeavoring to mitigate their cruelty; yet we see British lawyers in a British tribunal supporting and justifying these acts, on the plea of defective titles.

The learned counsel asks, with an air of triumph, whether these ladies possessed these treasures by jointure, dower, will, or settlement. What was the title? Was it a deed of gift -was it a devise-was it donatio causa mortis-was it dower was it jointure-What was it? To all which senseless and absurd questions we answer, You asked none of these questions of the parties, when you guarantied to them, by a solemn treaty, the possession of their goods. Then was the time to have asked these questions: but you asked none of them. You supposed their right, and you guarantied it, though you might then have asked-what was their right. But besides the force and virtue of the guaranty, these unhappy princesses had ransomed themselves from any claim upon their property. They paid a sum of money, applied to your use, for that guaranty. They had a treble title-by possession, by guaranty, by purchase.

Again; did you ask these questions when you went to rob them of their landed estates, their money, their ornaments, and even their wearing apparel ? When you sent those great

lawyers, major-major-and the other majors, and colonels, and captains, did you call on them to exhibit their title deeds? No-with a pistol at their breast, you demanded their money. Instead of forging a charge of rebellion against these unhappy persons, why did you not then call on them for their vouchers? No rebellion was necessary to give validity to a civil claim. What you could get by an ordinary judgment, did not want confiscation called to its aid. When you had their eunuchs, their ministers, their treasurers, their agents, and attornies in irons, did you then ask any of these questions? No-Discover the money you have in trust, or you go to corporal punishment-you go to the castle of Chunar-here is another pair of irons-this was the only language used.

When the court of directors, alarmed at the proceedings against these ancient ladies, ordered their Indian government to make an inquiry into their conduct, the prisoner had then an opportunity, and a duty imposed upon him, of entering into a complete justification of his conduct; he might have justified it by every civil, and by every criminal mode of process. Did he do this? No-Your lordships have in evidence the manner, equally despotic, rebellious, insolent, fraudulent, tricking, and evasive, by which he positively refused all inquiry into the matter. How stands it now, more than twelve years after the seizure of their goods-at ten thousand miles distance? You ask of these women, buried in the depths of Asia, secluded from human commerce, what is their title to their estate. Have you the parties before you? have you summoned them? where is their attorney? where is their agent? where is their counsel? Is this law? Is this a legal process? Is this a tribunal-the highest tribunal of all-that which is to furnish the example for, and to be a control on all the rest? But what is worse,

you do not come directly to the trial of this right to property. You are desired to surround and circumvent it; you are desired obliquely to steal an iniquitous judgment, which you dare not

boldly ravish. At this judgment you can only arrive by a side wind. You have before you a criminal process against an offender; one of the charges against him is, that he has robbed matrons of high and reverend place. His defence is, that they had not the apt deeds to entitle them in law to this property. In this cause, with only the delinquent party before you, you are called upon to try their title on his allegations of its invalidity, and by acquitting him to divest them not only of their goods, but of their honor; to call them disseizors, wrong-doers, cheats, defrauders of their own son. No hearing for them, no pleading, all appeal cut off. Was ever a man, indicted for a robbery, that is, for the forcible taking of the goods possessed by another, suffered to desire the prosecutor to show the deeds, or other instruments, by which he acquired those goods? The idea is contemptible and ridiculous. Do these men dream? Do they conceive, in their confused imaginations, that you can be here trying such a question, and venturing to decide upon it? Your lordships will never do that, which if you did do, you would be unfit to subsist as a tribunal for a single hour; and if we, on our part, did not bring before you this attempt, as the heaviest aggravation of the prisoner's crimes, we should betray our trust, as representatives of the Commons of Great Britain. Having made this protest, in favor of law, of justice, and good policy, permit me to take a single step more.

I will now show your lordships that it is very possible, nay very probable, and almost certain, that a great part of what these ladies possessed was a saving of their own, and independent of any grant. It appears in the papers before you, that these unfortunate ladies had about £70,000 a year, landed property. Mr. Bristow states in evidence before your lordships, that their annual expenses did not exceed a lack and a half, and that their income was about seven lacks; that they had possessed this for twenty years before the death of Sujah Dowlah, and from the death of that prince to the day of the robbery. Now, if your lordships will calcu

late what the savings from an income of £70,000 a year will amount to, when the party spends about £15,000 a year; you will see that by a regular and strict economy these people may have saved considerable property of their own, independent of their titles to any other property; and this is a rational way of accounting for their being extremely rich. It may be supposed, likewise, that they had all those advantages which ladies of high rank usually have in that country; gifts at marriage, &c. We know that there are deeds of gift by husbands to their wives during their lifetime, and many other legal means, by which women in Asia become possessed of very great property; but Mr. Hastings has taught them the danger of much wealth, and the danger of economy. He has shown them, that they are saving,-not for their families, for those who may possibly stand in the utmost need of it, but for tyrants, robbers, and oppressors.

My lords, I am really ashamed to have said so much upon the subject of their titles. And yet there is one observation more to be made, and then I shall have done with this part of the prisoner's defence. It is, that the nabob himself never has made a claim on this ground; even Mr. Hastings, his despotic master, could never get him regularly and systematically to make such a claim; the very reverse of this is the truth; when urged on to the commission of these acts of violence by Mr. Middleton, you have seen with what horror, and how reluctantly he lends his name, and when he does so, he is dragged like a victim to the stake. At the beginning of this affair, where do we find that he entered this claim, as the foundation of it. Upon one occasion only, when dragged to join in this wicked act, something dropped from his lips which seemed rather to have been forced into his mouth, and which he was obliged to spit out again, about the possibility that he might have had some right to the effects of the begums.

We next come to consider the manner in which these acts of violence were executed. They forced the nabob himself