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The functions of deputy are incompatible with ny post requiring the holder to reside away rom Madrid, and the acceptation of the former mplies the resignation of the latter. The lections for the Cortes will take place by rovinces. Those returning from six to nine leputies will form two circumscriptions; and hose of ten and upward, three. The Balearic ind Canary Islands are to be the object of a livision in which their particular situation will be taken into account. There is to be a deputy or every 45,000 inhabitants, and for a fraction bove exceeding 22,500. The ballot will last three days, and a special decree will fix the mode of voting in the islands. The electoral lists will be made out from November 15th to November 25th. The number of deputies is to be 350. A special decree indicating the manner in which the elections are to be conducted in the Spanish possessions will shortly be published.

The Minister of Public Instruction issued a decree ordering that henceforward primary education shall be absolutely free, restoring the normal schools, and reappointing the professors removed by the late Government. The minister also announced that he was preparing measures for establishing free secondary and superior education. The Minister of Justice and Public Works, Antonio Romero Ortiz, decreed the immediate extinction of all the monasteries, convents, religious houses, and congregations of both sexes that have been established in Spain and the adjacent islands since July, 1837, when they were last abolished. The decree provides that all the buildings, real property rents, rights and shares in these buildings are to become national property. The monks and nuns ex-cloistered in consequence of this decree are not considered to have any right to the pension that was granted to monks and nuns who were expelled in 1837. The nuns whose convents are suppressed in consequence of the decree may either go into such convents as still exist according to law; or they can claim to be paid back the dotation which they gave when they entered. This dotation or fee is 11,000 reals, or about $555 in gold. All these convents, monasteries, etc., that were declared legally established by the law of July 29, 1837, are now to be reduced to half their number in every province, and the civil governors of the provinces will consult with the bishops and point out within the term of one month which of these establishments shall be preserved, and they are to take care that they preserve those that have architectural and artistical merit, and they are to send the nuns of suppressed convents to those that are left. The admission of novices in all the convents and nunneries of Spain is prohibited, and the novices that are now preparing to become monks or nuns are prohibited from taking the vows, even though they should have entered these monasteries as organists, singers, or with any other pretext. The nuns who, by virtue of the present decree,

VOL. VIII.-45 A

can remain in these convents may leave whenever they please by an order given at their request by the civil governor, the bishop of the diocese being duly informed thereof. The nuns who took their vows before July 29, 1837, have a right to their pension of five reals a day, but those who have taken orders later have only right to their entrance-fee. The associations called Sisters of Charity, St. Vincent de Paul, St. Isabella, the Christian Doctrine, and such others as were dedicated only to teaching and to beneficence, are to remain, but hereafter, instead of having independent jurisdiction in their own affairs, they must come under that of the bishop. Another decree was issued by the same minister with special regard to the Jesuits, suppressing the Society throughout Spain and the Spanish islands, ordering that its colleges and institutions be closed within three days, and declaring its movable and immovable property sequestrated to the state.

Señor Figuerola, the Minister of Finance, published a financial statement, in which he estimates the deficit at 2,500,000,000 reals, attributing it to the necessity for extraordinary expenditure in consequence of the prevailing distress and the want of work for the lower classes, though, he says, the Government did not acknowledge the right of the citizens to be provided with work by the state. This statement, which enters into a full explanation of the real state of the finances in Spain, was accompanied by a decree opening public subscriptions to a loan of 200,000,000 crowns, issued in 1,250,000 Treasury bonds, bearing six per cent. interest. The issuing price was 80, and the interest payable on June 30th, and December 31st, reckoning from January 1, 1869. The redemption of the loan would be by drawings, commencing in 1869 and terminating in 1888.

Señor Sagasta, the Minister of Justice, issued a decree promulgating the absolute liberty of the press, abolishing the office of a special judge for press trials, and placing all press offences within the jurisdiction of the ordinary penal code. The decree also suppresses the censorship on literary and dramatic productions. The number of political journals in Madrid, in consequence of the liberty of the press, increased very rapidly. The most important of these at the close of the war were the Pensamiento Español, the Esperanza, Siglo, the Estandarte (reactionary), Diario Español and Politica (Liberal Union), Novedades and Iberia (Progressist), Discusion (Republican).

The Protestants of Spain were authorized to hold meetings, and to erect churches in Madrid, Seville, Barcelona, and other places.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lorenzana, sent a circular to the foreign representatives of Spain abroad, in which the minister explains the causes, character, and political bearing of the revolution. Spain had, under the rule of

her last two monarchs, presented the sad spectacle of a loyal and generous people lavishly devoting their wealth and their blood for the benefit of kings who repaid these heroic sacrifices with the blackest ingratitude. The people patiently waited until their sufferings were overflowing. That moment having arrived, the people took their stand upon the ground of modern popular right. The circular treats upon the question of religious liberty, stating that the useless legal obstacles hitherto thrown in the way of other creeds would disappear, even as they had already disappeared from the habits of the people. In conclusion, the minister says that the Spanish revolution could cause no alarm to other countries, and, therefore, the Government was in hopes that foreign nations would not refuse to entertain friendly relations with revolutionary Spain.

The first country which recognized the Provisional Government of Spain was the United States. Mr. Hale, the ambassador of the United States, notified Marshal Serrano of the fact on the 9th of October. All the other Governments represented in Madrid soon followed.

While the leaders of the different parties which effected the revolution were agreed that the future form of government should be decided by the constituent Cortes, the Liberal Union and the Progressists were unanimous in declaring their preference for a monarchy. The Democrats split on the question, one section joining the Liberal Union and Progressists, and the others declaring in favor of a republic. Actually, there were henceforth, besides the Reactionists, two great parties, the Liberal Monarchists and the Republicans. The latter party soon developed a strength which astonished the Provisional Government. The leaders of the Republican party were José Maria de Orense, who for some years had lived a refugee in the south of France; Garrido, a distinguished writer on Spanish affairs; Castelar, the best orator of the party; and General Pierrad. Señor Orense, in the name of the Central Republican Committee, published the programme of the party, of which the following are the principal heads:

1. Form of government: democratic federal republic.

2. Legislative power: A single Chamber, elected annually by universal suffrage.

3. Executive power: A President, nominated by the Chambers without limitation of time, but removable at the pleasure of the Chamber.

4. Judicial power: Appointment of judges, to be wholly independent of the legislative and executive

powers.

5. The central, or national, government to manage the army and navy; the code; external and diplomatic affairs; statistics; the customs-house, while it lasts; post-office and telegraphs; disputes between provinces; unity of money, weights, and measures; extinction of the public debt (the money to be provided from the sale of the royal patrimony, national property, and mines); railways on a large scale.

6. The security to every citizen of his individual and primordial rights, which are as follow: Per

sonal liberty, property, freedom of worship, freedom of the press, right of meeting. monopolies of the sale of salt and tobacco, taxes on 7. The penalty of death, slavery, imprisonment, consumption, etc., are to be abolished.

8. Customs, prisons, and judicial processes to be immediately reformed.

9. Domicile and private correspondence to be inviolable.

10. Education, choice of professions and employments, banks and credit institutions to be free.

11. The provincial deputations, alcaldes, municipal councils and magistrates to be elected by universal the proceedings to be published. These bodies to suffrage, their meetings to be open, and a report of decide upon all questions which do not come under the control of the central government.

12. Revenue to be raised by one tax, direct and general.

13. The Spanish possessions abroad to enjoy the same rights as the mother country.

14. The post-office, telegraphic, and other services to be paid for out of the profits they produce, and taxation to be reduced in proportion as these profits

increase.

army to be for the national defence, and a volunteer 15. The civil guard alone shall act as a police. The force to be proposed for the preservation of internal order. Spain renounces wars of conquest, and will make war only when its independence is menaced.

On the 18th of December municipal elections took place throughout Spain, upon the basis of universal suffrage. The Republicans obtained a majority in most of the large cities, except Madrid. The participation of the people in these elections was, on the whole, but small. In Madrid the schedules or tickets to be issued to the electors to empower them to vote were 76,432. Of these only 53,612 were either distributed or applied for; 22,820 were left un claimed at the mayor's office. The actual voters in the city were only 27,600, of whom 24,000 gave their suffrage for monarchic councillors, and 3,600 favored Republican candidates. In Barcelona the voters were 47,000, of whom only 17,000 pronounced in favor of monarchic candidates, and 30,000 voted for the Republicans. In Valencia the voters were less than 4,000: the Republican candidate at the head of the poll only obtained 2,524 votes; and the most successful of his monarchic op ponents only 806.

As soon after the success of the revolution it was generally regarded as probable that Spain would remain a monarchy, the questi who would be elected King by the Cortes greatly agitated the public mind. It became apparent that, among the many names pr posed, those of the Duke de Montpensier, of Dom Fernando of Portugal, father of the King of Portugal, had the greatest number of partisans. Dom Fernando was generally ported as decidedly opposed to an acceptan of the throne, in case it should be offered. Th Duke de Montpensier, on the other hand, ma great exertions to secure his election. In s cordance with a wish, expressed by the Pro sional Government, he did not return to Sp except for a few days during December, a the outbreak of disturbances in Cadiz, wha he asked for permission to aid in putting deat

these disturbances, for which he claimed a reactionary origin; but, respecting the wish again expressed on this occasion by the Provisional Government, he immediately returned to Portugal. In the following letter, addressed to the Politica, a Madrid newspaper, the Duke publicly explained his views:

a right, and I fulfilled my duty as a soldier; and it is lamentable that, in a free country, there should be persons who reprobate the exercise of rights and the here; however, now that I have broken the silence I performance of duties. My task might terminate had imposed on myself, I believe it is better not to throw the pen aside without refuting certain unfounded accusations concerning events anterior to the revolution of September. Among other things ESTEEMED SIR: I had resolved to observe an abso- is has been circulated that we had seen with indiflute silence as long as the transitory situation of our plishment of the events which had caused the deepest ference from our retreat at San Telmo the accomcountry, should last, till its definitive termination. The excitations of the press, sometimes hostile and sensation in Spain. The allegation is completely sometimes favorable, the manifestations of which false. If I did not take part in the war in Africa in have assumed a personal character to which I cannot 1859, most certainly it was not my fault. Official documents show that I did crave at that time the remain indifferent, have sufficed to induce me to change my intentions. I have thought that the honor of pouring out my blood for my adopted Infanta and myself ought to make public, as our last country, as I had done in 1844 for the defence of the word, the manifesto we addressed to the Provisional interests of France on the very same African soil, at Government on October 30th, which ended by the the head of a company of brave Spaniards belonging declaration: "We are willing to respect all the resoto the Foreign Legion. One must remember, also, lutions arrived at by the national vote, the legitimate not show any sign of life, the Infanta, at the peril of that in 1866, when many agitators of nowadays did source of political rights in free countries." You will remark that there is not a single reserve in that having unsuccessfully demanded an amnesty, underher life, on account of the state of her health, after frank and loyal manifestation. Spain, whatever may be her form of government, would reckon us among counsels; she was only requested not to utter any took to travel to Madrid, to give to the court liberal her citizens; we should serve her, if we could be useful to her, and forever and in all circumstances, accused by some of being fanatic, by others of being other word relating to politics. We have been also our hearts will share her fortunes and her misfortunes. But if my resolution to remain silent has atheists; therefore we must be very explicit upon been unshaken till now, if I have been able to hear that point. We, fervent Catholics, who have been with patience the absurd fables invented against us, able to publicly fulfil our religious duties in the AnI am in duty bound not to consent that the feeling of glican town of London, in the Evangelical city of patriotic abnegation that, in spite of our wishes, Edinburgh, in the Calvinistic city of Geneva-we do would have kept us at the mouth of the Tagus till not understand that those, not belonging to the the day when, thinking that the freedom of Spain religion we deem the true one, possess, for that reawas endangered in Andalusia, I came to offer my son, in our beloved country, less liberty than we sword to the Provisional Government, should be found in other nations. I conclude, because I inconstrued as a want of sympathy for the complete tended to write a refutation and not a programme of regeneration of our country. That step of mine political principles. It is enough for me to express, having met the approval of some and the censure of clearly and peremptorily, that I do share those which others, I find myself in the imperious necessity of have been proclaimed by the revolution and welexplaining it. Absent from Spain, but without hav-comed by the nation. By authorizing you to publish ing been prohibited from reëntering her territory, my letter, in the exercise of a right now practised in and belonging to the Spanish army, I felt it was both our country, which, among other liberties, enjoys the freedom of the press, I have only to assure you my duty and my right to offer my services, should the passing events require it. I learned what had that I have no ambition, and that I have only reoccurred at Cadiz, and judging the seriousness of solved, perfectly and entirely, to continue to belong those events by the narrations and the telegrams to the new Spain-to the free Spain. (Signed) published in the newspapers, I concluded, with the ANTOINE D'ORLEANS. aid of the information possessed, that perhaps LISBON, December 19, 1868. those events were the result of a combination between the several elements opposed to the revolution, and I thought my duty was to proceed to the point of junction of the army forces to place myself at the disposal of the Government. In the conviction that

it was more honorable in a soldier to wait for orders at the immediate centre of danger rather than at a long distance, I did not think necessary to officially announce my voyage before having arrived on the field of action. Another consideration confirmed me in my views that, if events had been decided and order restored before having reported myself to the governor-in-chief to offer to him my services and accept the post assigned to me, I should be able to return to Lisbon without having taken any official step which could be possibly taxed with vainglory and useless offer of service. My prevision was well founded, for on my arrival at Cordova I learned that the events of Cadiz were on the point of having a favorable issue. I learned also that there were no reactionary elements to fight against, and my duty being to abstain from any interference in the conflicts between the Liberal parties-conflicts which I deplore-I immediately returned to Lisbon. My last step being explained, I must tender my thanks to all the members of the press who have justified it according to their own inspiration. To those who have censured it I will only say that, when I crossed the frontier to offer my services as a citizen, I exercised

The aspiration of the Duke de Montpensier found a very determined opponent in the Infante Don Henry de Bourbon (a brother of the King), who addressed to the Provisional Government the following curious letter:

GENTLEMEN: When I observe the feverish ambition which devours the Duke de Montpensier; when I witness the explosion of pretensions hatched for many a year to take possession of the monarchical power in Spain-in Spain, free and independent, to which he returned without honor as a fugitive, when his father, Louis Philippe, fell from the throne by that providential justice which marks chastisement on the brow of certain kings; when everybody knows that he has no title and no right to our country, so jealous of its dignity, more than the hospitality which all civilized people accord to those who take refuge in it when driven from their own; when I examine this stranger, a prince without energy or elevation of character, and so full of vanity and selfishness that he thinks every thing due to him, and that no one in the world should refuse him the distinguished honor of becoming his courtier; when his cupidity accepts with one hand the gifts and favors of Isabella II., and when, ungrateful and traitorous, he strives with the other to usurp the place of his benefactors who reposed full confidence in him; when I see him coldly speculating at

a distance on the blood-stained field of Alcolea, ready to rush, without, however, exposing himself to danger, on the spoils of Isabella, like the bird of prey on a dead body; when I find him at Lisbon watching for the favorable occasion of imposing himself on Spain, and impatiently counting the moments, and, after those moments calculated by him, settling with miserable niggardliness the accounts of his cook; when I see him, in so impertinent and comical a fashion, desiring to meddle in the recent struggle which has left the noble and liberal city of Cadiz in mourning; and when, to crown this Orleanist conspiracy, I hear Spaniards, unworthy to bear that honorable title, proclaim the ridiculous and anti-national name of this stranger forced upon us as if it were the name of a hero, and when they thus trample under foot the ashes of the martyrs of Carral-the ashes of the illustrious members of the Spanish army shot by the treachery of the Madrid Government, delivered over to Louis Philippe-when I behold all this, I cannot help asking what is the talisman and what are the privileges of this pretender?

I, who count more than twenty-two years of suffering and political persecution, of which Louis Philippe was the instigator-I, who, without being culpable, am banished from my country and from my homefeel indignant as a Spaniard, and as belonging to the Liberal party, at the unjust and unpatriotic privileges accorded to Montpensier.

In the name of justice, I, who have never desired the place coveted by the intriguer of whom I speak -I, who would consider myself debased if I bore the title of pretender, for my aspirations are those of the honest citizen who knows the high value of selfdenial-I, who place the glory of Washington far higher than that of Cæsar -I address myself to the

Provisional Government of the nation to be allowed

to return to my country, and to humbly occupy, as I ever had the habit of doing, my rented apartment in Madrid which contains the little I possess.

The remains of my parents, those of one of my children, and of my wife, are in Spain; and those remains, so dear to me, call me near them. I do not, like Montpensier, seek a crown-Montpensier who, in the possession of his many millions, might live contented and silent. All I ask for is the sunlight of my beloved native land that air of country, of home, which every citizen who is free from crime has a right to enjoy.

At the same time I demand from the equity of the Provisional Government another thing which is equally just to be reinstated in the naval service to which I belong. The Duke de Montpensier being recognized as field-marshal of the Spanish army, the representatives of the party for which I have so much suffered cannot hesitate to restore my sword to me, of which I was deprived by the vengeance and the tyranny of the Narvaez ministry. For a demand so reasonable I appeal to the friendly relations subsisting between me and General Prim at the time when he, like me, was exiled.

Receive, gentlemen, the assurance of the esteem which is the result of every good action, and the timony of my gratitude for the favorable opinion I have merited from you. HENRI DE BOURBON. PARIS, December 21st.

which were granted to their opponents. On Saturday, December 5th, an armed demonstration was made by the Republicans at Cadiz, which the authorities considered it their duty to repress. Accordingly, the assemblage was called upon to lay down their arms. This demand they not only refused, but commenced to erect barricades. Sharp fighting took place at the commencement, but the insurrectionists, having obtained possession of the park of artillery, very soon held all the chief places in the city, and the foreign consuls were placed in the custom-house facing the sea, in case the fleet should attempt a bombardment. Immediately on the news reaching Madrid, large bodies of troops were dispatched to Cadiz, General Caballero de Roda having the chief command. This officer at once declared Cadiz blockaded, and, on arriving there, so disposed his troops as to surround the city closely. He then (December 12th) issued a proclamation to the inhabitants, in which he called upon them to lay down their arms, and guaranteed to them in the name of the Government that their lives would be saved. He granted a delay until next day, in order that old men, women, children, and peaceably-disposed citizens might leave the city.

The insurgents sent a delegate, accompanied by the consul of the United States, to General Caballero, offering to place their arms in buildings which he should designate. This the general did, but on the following morning the insurgents altered their tone, and offered to sur render their arms into the hands of the consul of the United States; but General Caballero de Roda refused to entertain such a proposal, and declared that hostilities would at once be com menced if the arms were not placed in the military buildings. The insurgents thereupon yielded to his orders, and the troops, under the command of General Caballero, at once entered and took possession of the city. This occurred

on December 14th.

In the last days of December another fierce conflict occurred between the Republicans and the regular troops at Malaga. The Government called on the National Guard of that city to give up their arms, which demand was resisted. When the commander-in-chief at length moved down on the city (December 31st), and an tes-nounced that a day's delay would be granted for submission, the insurgents were at first disposed to listen to him, but they were finally urged to continued resistance by the more de termined spirits among their own number. General Caballero de Roda then prepared to capture the barricades by force. The insur gents were strongly intrenched in the Trinity quarter of the town, and this was not occupied till after a heavy bombardment (in which the ships joined), and the most desperate hand-tohand fighting. The troops finally obtained se cure possession of the whole place (January 1 1869). They made an immense number of prisoners, of whom, the greater number were

The Provisional Government, during the last weeks of the year, was greatly perplexed by the activity and the progress of the Republican party, who were making demonstrations in the provincial towns in furtherance of their principles. The Provisional Government and its officers greatly exasperated the Republican party by using their whole influence in behalf of the monarchists. The Republicans complained that the Government, which had received no authority from the people, denied to them rights

released, though over two hundred were reserved for trial.

On the 10th of October, an insurrection broke out in the island of Cuba. The movement had been prepared, even before the beginning of the Spanish revolution; but the latter hastened and matured the plans of the leaders. A declaration of independence was issued, dated Manzanillo, October 10th, which thus stated the reasons for and the objects of the movement:

In arming ourselves against the tyrannical Government of Spain we must, according to precedent in all civilized countries, proclaim before the world the cause that impels us to take this step, which, though likely to entail considerable disturbances upon the present, will insure the happiness of the future.

It is well known that Spain governs the island of Cuba with an iron and blood-stained hand. The former holds the latter deprived of political, civil, and religious liberty. Hence the unfortunate Cubans being illegally prosecuted and thrown into exile or executed by military commissions in times of peace. Hence their being kept from public meetings, and forbidden to speak or write on affairs of state; hence their remonstrances against the evils that afflict them being looked upon as the proceedings of rebels, from the fact that they are bound to keep silence and obey. Hence the never-ending plague of hungry officials from Spain to devour the product of their industry and labor. Hence their exclusion from public stations and want of opportunity to skill themselves in the art of government. Hence the restrictions to which public instruction with them is subjected, in order to keep them so ignorant as not to be able to know and enforce their rights in any shape or form whatever. Hence the navy and standing army, which are kept upon their country at an enormous expenditure from their own wealth to make them bend their knees and submit their necks to the the iron yoke that disgraces them. Hence the grinding taxation under which they labor, and which would make them all perish in misery but for the marvellous fertility of the soil. On the other hand, Cuba cannot prosper as she ought to, because white immigration that suits her best is artfully kept from her shores by the Spanish Government, and as Spain has many a time pronounced us Cubans to respect our rights without having hitherto fulfilled her promises; as she continues to tax us heavily and by so doing is likely to destroy our wealth; as we are in danger of losing our property, our lives, and our honor under further Spanish domination; as we have reached a depth of degradation utterly revolting to manhood; as great nations have sprung from revolt against a similar disgrace, after exhausted pleadings for relief; as we despair of justice from Spain through reasoning, and cannot fonger live deprived of the rights which other people enjoy, we are constrained to appeal to arms to assert our rights in the battle-field, cherishing the hope that our grievances will be a sufficient excuse for this last resort to redress them and secure our future welfare.

To the God of our conscience and to all civilized nations we submit the sincerity of our purpose. Vengeance does not mislead us, nor is ambition our guide. We only want to be free and see all men with us equally free, as the Creator intended all mankind to be. Our earnest belief is that all men are brethren. Hence our love of toleration, order, and justice in every respect. We desire the gradual abolition of slavery, with indemnification; we admire universal suffrage, as it insures the sovereignty of the people; we demand a religious regard for the inalienable rights of man as the basis of freedom and national greatness.

The movement rapidly spread over the whole of the eastern and central departments. Ten days later, the general-in-chief of the Cu

ban forces, Carlos Manuel Cespedes, and the members of the Provisional Government addressed a letter to the Government of the United States, in which they asked for recognition as belligerents, and gave the following account of their strength:

We now hold much more than fifty leagues of the interior of this island in the eastern department, among which are the people (or communities) of Jiguani, Tunas, Baire, Yara, Barrancas, Datil, Cauto, Embarcadero, Guisa, and Horno, besides the cities of Bayamo and Holguin, in all numbering 107,853 inhabitants, who obey us, and have sworn to shed to the last drop of blood in our cause.

In the mentioned city of Bayamo we have established a provisional government and formed our general quarters, where we hold more than three hundred of the enemy prisoners, taken from the Spanish army, among whom are generals and governors of high rank. All this has been accomplished in ten days, without other resources than those offered by the country we have passed through, without other arms than those taken from the enemy, and without other losses than three or four killed and six or eight

wounded.

Numerous engagements occurred between the Cubans and the Spanish forces, as at Tunas (October 26th), Villa del Cobre, at the foot of Mount Alta Garcia (between Puerto Principe and Nuevitas), and Moran. The Cubans, being badly armed, were unable to drive the Spaniards out of the towns; but they maintained a control over a very large portion of the central and the eastern departments. Well-informed correspondents of American newspapers in Havana estimated their strength at about 50,000. The Spanish Captain-General Lersundi found the forces at his command insufficient to subdue the revolt, and he urgently asked for and received numerous reënforcements. In the last days of December the Spanish General, Count Valmaseda, advanced with four thousand troops to attack Bayamo, the seat of the Provisional Government.

In the first manifesto which the Cubans issued, the abolition of slavery was mentioned among the reforms which the successful revolution would effect. The sentiments of the Cubans on this subject became gradually more outspoken, and on the 27th of December General Cespedes issued the following proclamation of emancipation:

The revolution of Cuba, while proclaiming the independence of the country, has proclaimed with it all the liberties, and could not well commit the great inconsistency to restrict them to only one part of the population of the country. Free Cuba is incompatible with a slave Cuba, and the abolition of the Spanish institutions must include, and by necessity and by reason of the greatest justice does include, the abolition of slavery as the most odious of all. Abolition of slavery has, therefore, been mentioned among the principles proclaimed in the first manifesto issued by the revolution, and in the opinion of all Cubans, truly liberal, its entire realization must be the first of the acts for which the country employs its conquered rights. But as a general measure it can only be fully effected when the country, in the full use of its conquered rights can, by means of nniversal suffrage, make the most suitable provision for carrying it through to real advantage, both for the old and the new citizens. The object of the present measure is

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