shot. Against Serrano, advancing from Cadiz, General Pavia y Lacy (Marquis de Novaliches) was sent with troops from the capital. On the 28th an encounter between the two armies took place at Alcolea, two leagues from the city of Cordova, in the province of Andalusia. The first shots of the guerillas were heard toward three o'clock P. M. on the flank of the route at the gorge of the Sierra. Immediately after the artillery of the Marquis de Novaliches opened a well-sustained fire on the bridge and the country-houses beyond Las Ventas. After three hours and a half of a furious struggle the insurgents suspended their fusillade, and then the commander-in-chief and his staff rushed on to the bridge to the cry of "Viva la Reina!" They expected to pass without difficulty, but the troops of General Serrano, ambushed and covered by parapets, opened so violent a fire upon them that the troops of the Government had to fall back. The Marquis de Novaliches himself was seriously wounded in the throat. The defeat of Novaliches was immediately followed by a revolution in Saragossa, the whole of Andalusia, and in Madrid. In Madrid, the soldiers refused to fight any longer for the Queen, and made common cause with the citizens who declared in favor of the revolution. General Concha, who commanded in Madrid, resigned, and a provisional junta, composed of 14 Progressists, 9 Liberal Unionists, and 7 Democrats, was established to carry on the Government. All further resistance to the advance of Serrano was abandoned, and unopposed he entered with his troops on the 3d of October the city of Madrid, when he met with an enthusiastic reception. Equally or even more enthusiastic was the reception by the capital of General Prim on the 7th of October. The entire town turned out, and the crowds in the streets were immense. Deputations arrired from all parts, and they, with the troops, sailors, and civic bodies, escorted the general. It took upward of four hours for the procession to pass through the streets. The traffic was completely stopped, and several men and women were crushed to death by the crowd in front of General Prim's hotel, and in the Puerta del Sol. French, Italian, and Swiss deputations and musical bands accompanied the procession. General Prim made a speech to the people from the balcony of the office of the ministry, and laid stress upon the intimate unity existing between Marshal Serrano and himself, and urged the necessity for Liberals of all shades, for the people, and for the army, to preserve concord. "The victory of the revolution," he said, "was due to the joint action of the fleet, Marshal Serrano, and the exiled generals." At the conclusion of the speech, General Prim embraced Serrano, exclaiming aloud, "Down with the Bourbons!" This was received by all the people with unanimous applause. In the evening Madrid was magnificently illumi

nated.

At the outbreak of the revolution, the Queen,

who had just returned from a visit to the Emperor Napoleon at Biarritz, was at St. Sebastian, in the Pyrenees, near the French frontier. The defeat of her troops at Alcolea decided her to leave Spain at once for France. The Emperor sent three officers of the imperial household to meet the Queen, who on her flight was accompanied by the King-consort, her four younger children, her uncle Don Sebastian, the Minister of State, and several officers of the household, at the frontier. At the railway station at Hendaye, the Emperor, the Empress, and the Imperial Prince awaited the arrival of the Queen, who, after a brief interview with the imperial family, proceeded to Pau, where she took up her residence at the castle which the Emperor had placed at her disposal. From Pau she at once issued the following protest addressed to the Spanish people:

A conspiracy, for which the history of no European people offers a parallel, has just flung Spain into all the horrors of anarchy. The army and navy, which the nation so generously kept up, and whose services 1 have always been so happy to reward, forgetting glorious traditions and trampling upon the most sacred oaths, turn against their country, and involve her in mourning and desolation. The cry of the rebels raised in Cadiz Bay, and repeated in a few hearts of the immense majority of Spaniards as the provinces by part of the army, must echo in the forerunner of a storm which perils the interests of religion, the principles of legitimacy and right, and the independence and honor of Spain. The lamentable series of defections, the acts of incredible disloyalty which have occurred within so short a space of time, offend my dignity as a Spaniard even more than they affect my dignity as a queen. Let not the greatest enemies of authority themselves, in their insane dreams, imagine that a power which emanates from so high an authority can be conferred, modified, or suppressed by the intervention of brute force, under the impulse of deluded soldiers. If the towns and the provinces, yielding to the first pressure of violence, submit for a time to the yoke of the insurgents, soon public feeling, hurt in its inmost and noblest parts, will shake off its torpor, and show the world that the eclipse of reason and of honor in Spain cannot last long. Until that time arrives I have thought proper, as Queen of Spain, and after due deliberation and sound advice, to seek in the states of an august ally the security requisite to enable me to act, under these difficult circumstances, in conformity with my position as a queen, and with the duty that devolves on me to transmit unimpaired to my son my rights, sanctioned by law, acknowledged and sworn to by the nation, and fortified by thirty-five years of sacrifice, vicissitudes, and tender affection. While setting foot on a foreign soil, my heart and eyes turned toward that which is the land of my birth and that of my children. I hasten to frame my explicit and formal protest before God and before mankind, declaring that the force to which I yield in leaving my kingdom cannot invalidate my rights, nor lessen nor compromise them in any way. Neither can those rights be affected in any way by the acts of the revolutionary Government, and still less by the regulations of its assemblies, which must needs be formed obvious conditions of violence as regards the conunder the pressure of demagogic fury, and under science and will of the people. Our fathers maintained a protracted but successful struggle for the religious faith and the independence of Spain. The present generation has unceasingly toiled to connect

all that was great and glorious in past ages with what modern times contain that is sound and fruitful. Revolution, that mortal foe to traditions and legiti

mate progress, wars against all those principles which constitute the vital strength, the soul, and the manhood of the Spanish nation. Liberty in its unlimited expansion and in all its manifestations, attacking Catholic unity, the monarchy, and the legal exercise of power, disturbs family ties, destroys the sanctity of the domestic hearth, and kills virtue and patriotism. If you think that the crown of Spain, worn by a queen whose fortune it has been to connect her name with the social and political regeneration of the state, be the symbol of those sound principles, you will, as I hope, remain faithful to your oaths and to your creed; you will allow to pass away, as a scourge, the revolutionary vortex, in which ingratitude, felony, and ambition, jostle each other. You will live in the assurance that, even in the hour of misfortune, I shall omit nothing to uphold that symbol, apart from which Spain has not a single endearing recollection nor a single sustaining hope. The insane pride of a few is for a time upsetting and distracting the whole nation, throws men's souls into a state of confusion, and society into a state of anarchy. There is no room in my heart for hatred even against that small number. I should fear, lest any feeling of petty resentment should weaken the feeling of deep tenderness I entertain toward those loyal men who have risked their lives and shed their blood in defence of the throne and public order, and toward all those Spaniards who witness with grief and terror a triumphant insurrection-a shameful page in the history of our civilization. In the noble fand whence I now address you, and everywhere, I will deplore, without allowing myself to be overcome, the misfortunes of my beloved Spain, which are my own. Had I not to support me, among many others, the example of the most venerable of sovereigns, a model of resignation and courage, also a prey to bitter tribulations, I should derive strength to do so from my confidence in the loyalty of my subjects, from the justice of my cause, and, above all, from my trust in the power of Him who holds the fate of empires in His hands.

A monarchy embodying fifteen centuries of struggles, patriotism, victories, and grandeur, cannot be destroyed by fifteen days of perjury and treason. Let us have faith in the future-the glory of the Spanish people was ever connected with its kings; the misfortunes of its kings ever fell heavily on the people. In my firm and patriotic hope that right, honor, and legitimacy will be maintained, your minds and your efforts will ever unite with the energetic decision and maternal affection of your queen, ISABELLA.

CHATEAU DE PAU, September 30, 1868.

The Queen remained at Pau a few weeks, and then took up her residence at Paris.

Immediately after the success of the revolution in Madrid, a Central Junta was elected, which called upon Marshal Serrano to organize a ministry. Marshal Serrano accepted the task, and the ministry was formed on the 8th of October, consisting of the following members: Marshal Serrano, President; General Prim, War; Admiral Topete, Marine; Figuerola, Finance; Lorenzana, Foreign Affairs; Ortiz, Justice; Sagasta, Interior; Ayala, Colonies; Ruiz Zorilla, Public Works. It was at once announced that the definite organization of the country, and in particular the future form of government, would be left to the constituent Cortes which were to be elected, as soon as practicable, by universal suffrage. The Central Junta, and the several members of the ministry, issued a number of decrees for the provisional administration of the country until the

meeting of the Cortes. The Central Junta continued its functions until the 21st of October, when it dissolved. All the local juntas followed this example, and Marshal Serrano, until the close of the year, remained the head of the provisional government.

On the 20th of October the Provisional Government offered a manifesto, explaining the reasons which compelled the Spanish people to throw off the yoke of the Bourbon dynasty. After explaining the grievances of the nation against the late Government, the manifesto says:

The people must now regain the time which it has lost. The principle of popular sovereignty which is now naturalized in Spain is the principle of national life, and the ideal type of the nation's aspirations. We may, therefore, be permitted to affirm that the national sovereignty, exercised in the first place by the vote of all, and subsequently by those elected by the people, will decree a complete system of liberties, which form, or will form, soon the rich and inalienable patrimony of a civilized country.

The circular also examines at length the question of freedom of public worship, and expresses hopes for the free exercise of every religion. It also states the desire of the Government to be on good terms with foreign Powers, and to obtain the moral concurrence of foreign Governments, adding :

But if we should fail in this respect, if the example of America in recognizing the revolution be not followed, we shall not be discouraged. We can tranquilly proceed with our task, for our independence is not threatened, and we have no foreign intervention to fear. To legitimize the revolution we have sought the sole criterion now considered infallible-namely, an appeal to universal suffrage. The aim which we have in view is to place ourselves on a level with the most advanced nations, and thus cease to form a dissonance in the great concert of nations. We have a perfect right to expect from foreign countries respect for the state of things which we have created, and we entertain a justifiable hope that the Governments which march at the head of civilization will not refuse to Spain those proofs of amity and fraternity which they accorded to the power that crushed and humiliated us.

The new electoral law announced by the Provisional Government was as follows: Every Spaniard twenty-five years of age has a right to vote. The only persons disqualified are the following: Convicts not rehabilitated; men under criminal accusations at the moment of the elections; those deprived of their political rights; individuals against whom a judgment has been given, declaring them incapable of managing their own affairs; bankrupts; insolvent traders or manufacturers; and individuals prosecuted to recover payment of their taxes. Soldiers and sailors will vote at the places which they are garrisoned, provided that they have a two months' residence. All electors dwelling in the communes and engaged in trade are eligible to municipal functions; they may also form part of the provincial councils, pro vided they do not occupy any office paid by the local government or the state. No Government functionary is qualified in the province, district, or commune in which he holds his office.

The functions of deputy are incompatible with ny post requiring the holder to reside away rom Madrid, and the acceptation of the former mplies the resignation of the latter. The lections for the Cortes will take place by >rovinces. Those returning from six to nine leputies will form two circumscriptions; and hose of ten and upward, three. The Balearic ind Canary Islands are to be the object of a livision in which their particular situation will be taken into account. There is to be a deputy for every 45,000 inhabitants, and for a fraction above exceeding 22,500. The ballot will last three days, and a special decree will fix the mode of voting in the islands. The electoral lists will be made out from November 15th to November 25th. The number of deputies is to be 350. A special decree indicating the manner in which the elections are to be conducted in the Spanish possessions will shortly be published.

The Minister of Public Instruction issued a decree ordering that henceforward primary education shall be absolutely free, restoring the normal schools, and reappointing the professors removed by the late Government. The minister also announced that he was preparing measures for establishing free secondary and superior education. The Minister of Justice and Public Works, Antonio Romero Ortiz, decreed the immediate extinction of all the monasteries, convents, religious houses, and congregations of both sexes that have been established in Spain and the adjacent islands since July, 1837, when they were last abolished. The decree provides that all the buildings, real property rents, rights and shares in these buildings are to become national property. The monks and nuns ex-cloistered in consequence of this decree are not considered to have any right to the pension that was granted to monks and nuns who were expelled in 1837. The nuns whose convents are suppressed in consequence of the decree may either go into such convents as still exist according to law; or they can claim to be paid back the dotation which they gave when they entered. This dotation or fee is 11,000 reals, or about $555 in gold. All these convents, monasteries, etc., that were declared legally established by the law of July 29, 1837, are now to be reduced to half their number in every province, and the civil governors of the provinces will consult with the bishops and point out within the term of one month which of these establishments shall be preserved, and they are to take care that they preserve those that have architectural and artistical merit, and they are to send the nuns of suppressed convents to those that are left. The admission of novices in all the convents and nunneries of Spain is prohibited, and the novices that are now preparing to become monks or nuns are prohibited from taking the vows, even though they should have entered these monasteries as organists, singers, or with any other pretext. The nuns who, by virtue of the present decree,

VOL. VIII.-45 A

can remain in these convents may leave whenever they please by an order given at their request by the civil governor, the bishop of the diocese being duly informed thereof. The nuns who took their vows before July 29, 1837, have a right to their pension of five reals a day, but those who have taken orders later have only right to their entrance-fee. The associations called Sisters of Charity, St. Vincent de Paul, St. Isabella, the Christian Doctrine, and such others as were dedicated only to teaching and to beneficence, are to remain, but hereafter, instead of having independent jurisdiction in their own affairs, they must come under that of the bishop. Another decree was issued by the same minister with special regard to the Jesuits, suppressing the Society throughout Spain and the Spanish islands, ordering that its colleges and institutions be closed within three days, and declaring its movable and immovable property sequestrated to the state.

Señor Figuerola, the Minister of Finance, published a financial statement, in which he estimates the deficit at 2,500,000,000 reals, attributing it to the necessity for extraordinary expenditure in consequence of the prevailing distress and the want of work for the lower classes, though, he says, the Government did not acknowledge the right of the citizens to be provided with work by the state. This statement, which enters into a full explanation of the real state of the finances in Spain, was accompanied by a decree opening public subscriptions to a loan of 200,000,000 crowns, issued in 1,250,000 Treasury bonds, bearing six per cent. interest. The issuing price was 80, and the interest payable on June 30th, and December 31st, reckoning from January 1, 1869. The redemption of the loan would be by drawings, commencing in 1869 and terminating in 1888.

Señor Sagasta, the Minister of Justice, issued a decree promulgating the absolute liberty of the press, abolishing the office of a special judge for press trials, and placing all press offences within the jurisdiction of the ordinary penal code. The decree also suppresses the censorship on literary and dramatic productions. The number of political journals in Madrid, in consequence of the liberty of the press, increased very rapidly. The most important of these at the close of the war were the Pensamiento Español, the Esperanza, Siglo, the Estandarte (reactionary), Diario Español and Politica (Liberal Union), Novedades and Iberia (Progressist), Discusion (Republican).

The Protestants of Spain were authorized to hold meetings, and to erect churches in Madrid, Seville, Barcelona, and other places.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lorenzana, sent a circular to the foreign representatives of Spain abroad, in which the minister explains the causes, character, and political bearing of the revolution. Spain had, under the rule of

her last two monarchs, presented the sad spectacle of a loyal and generous people lavishly devoting their wealth and their blood for the benefit of kings who repaid these heroic sacrifices with the blackest ingratitude. The people patiently waited until their sufferings were overflowing. That moment having arrived, the people took their stand upon the ground of modern popular right. The circular treats upon the question of religious liberty, stating that the useless legal obstacles hitherto thrown in the way of other creeds would disappear, even as they had already disappeared from the habits of the people. In conclusion, the minister says that the Spanish revolution could cause no alarm to other countries, and, therefore, the Government was in hopes that foreign nations would not refuse to entertain friendly relations with revolutionary Spain.

The first country which recognized the Provisional Government of Spain was the United States. Mr. Hale, the ambassador of the United States, notified Marshal Serrano of the fact on the 9th of October. All the other Governments represented in Madrid soon fol

lowed.

While the leaders of the different parties which effected the revolution were agreed that the future form of government should be decided by the constituent Cortes, the Liberal Union and the Progressists were unanimous in declaring their preference for a monarchy. The Democrats split on the question, one section joining the Liberal Union and Progressists, and the others declaring in favor of a republic. Actually, there were henceforth, besides the Reactionists, two great parties, the Liberal Monarchists and the Republicans. The latter party soon developed a strength which astonished the Provisional Government. The leaders of the Republican party were José Maria de Orense, who for some years had lived a refugee in the south of France; Garrido, a distinguished writer on Spanish affairs; Castelar, the best orator of the party; and General Pierrad. Señor Orense, in the name of the Central Republican Committee, published the programme of the party, of which the following are the principal heads:

1. Form of government: democratic federal republic.

2. Legislative power: A single Chamber, elected annually by universal suffrage.

3. Executive power: A President, nominated by the Chambers without limitation of time, but removable at the pleasure of the Chamber.

4. Judicial power: Appointment of judges, to be wholly independent of the legislative and executive

powers.

5. The central, or national, government to manage

the army and navy; the code; external and diplomatic affairs; statistics; the customs-house, while it lasts; post-office and telegraphs; disputes between provinces; unity of money, weights, and measures; extinction of the public debt (the money to be provided from the sale of the royal patrimony, national property, and mines); railways on a large scale.

6. The security to every citizen of his individual and primordial rights, which are as follow: Per

sonal liberty, property, freedom of worship, freedom of the press, right of meeting. monopolies of the sale of salt and tobacco, taxes on 7. The penalty of death, slavery, imprisonment, consumption, etc., are to be abolished.

8. Customs, prisons, and judicial processes to be immediately reformed.

9. Domicile and private correspondence to be inviolable.

10. Education, choice of professions and employments, banks and credit institutions to be free.

11. The provincial deputations, alcaldes, municipal councils and magistrates to be elected by universal the proceedings to be published. These bodies to suffrage, their meetings to be open, and a report of decide upon all questions which do not come under the control of the central government.

12. Revenue to be raised by one tax, direct and general.

13. The Spanish possessions abroad to enjoy the same rights as the mother country.

14. The post-office, telegraphic, and other services to be paid for out of the profits they produce, and taxation to be reduced in proportion as these profits

increase.

15. The civil guard alone shall act as a police. The army to be for, the national defence, and a volunteer force to be proposed for the preservation of internal order. Spain renounces wars of conquest, and will make war only when its independence is menaced.

On the 18th of December municipal elections took place throughout Spain, upon the basis of universal suffrage. The Republicans obtained a majority in most of the large cities, except Madrid. The participation of the people in these elections was, on the whole, but small. In Madrid the schedules or tickets to be issued to the electors to empower them to vote were 76,432. Of these only 53,612 were either distributed or applied for; 22,820 were left un claimed at the mayor's office. The actual voters in the city were only 27,600, of whom 24,000 gave their suffrage for monarchic coun cillors, and 3,600 favored Republican candi dates. In Barcelona the voters were 47,000 of whom only 17,000 pronounced in favor of monarchic candidates, and 30,000 voted for the Republicans. In Valencia the voters were less than 4,000: the Republican candidate at the head of the poll only obtained 2,524 votes and the most successful of his monarchic of ponents only 806.

As soon after the success of the revolution it was generally regarded as probable th Spain would remain a monarchy, the questi who would be elected King by the Corte greatly agitated the public mind. It beca apparent that, among the many names pr posed, those of the Duke de Montpensier, st of Dom Fernando of Portugal, father of the King of Portugal, had the greatest number of partisans. Dom Fernando was generallye ported as decidedly opposed to an accepta Duke de Montpensier, on the other hand, ma of the throne, in case it should be offered. T great exertions to secure his election. In s cordance with a wish, expressed by the Pro sional Government, he did not return to Spo except for a few days during December, a the outbreak of disturbances in Cadiz, w he asked for permission to aid in putting do