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24th of March, a new ministry was appointed, composed as follows: Presidency and Interior, Luis Gonzales Bravo Murillo; Navy, Belda; Justice and Foreign Affairs (provisionally), Roncali; Colonies, Marfori; Finances, Orobio; Public Works, Catalina; War, Lieutenant-General Mayalde y Villaroya. On the 16th of June, Roncali was definitely appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs; Coronado, Minister of Justice; Marfori, Minister of the Royal House. The Provisional Junta, which assumed the reins of the Government after the expulsion of the Queen, charged Marshal Serrano with forming a new ministry, which was completed on the 8th of October, and composed as follows: Presidency, Marshal Serrano, Duke de la Torre; War, LieutenantGeneral Juan Prim, Marquis de los Castillejos; Navy, Juan Topete; Finances, Laureano Figuerola; Foreign Affairs, Juan Alvarez de Lorenzana; Justice, Antonio Romero Ortiz; Interior, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta; Colonies, Adelardo Lopez de Ayale; Public Works, Manuel Luiz Zorella.

Revenue and expenditures, in the budgets from 1866 to 1869, were as follows (value expressed in escudos-1 escudo 10 reals = 48 cents):

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Valencia,

647,286

Alicante..

412,514

1,342,515.

Castellon de la Plana.

282,715

214,114,525

219,147,729

256,878,172

263,946,776

Aragon,

Saragossa..

403,015

Huesca

272,692

258,200,479

263,005,296

921,305.

Teruel

245,598

Barcelona..

746.453

Catalonia,

336,746

1,731,798.

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The public debt, on November 30, 1866, amounted to 20,412,134,058 reals.

In the budget for the island of Cuba, published by the Official Gazette of Madrid on May 25, 1868, the expenditure of the colony is estimated at 498,504,350 reals, against a revenue of 603,293,250 reals, leaving a balance in favor of the treasury of 104,788,900 reals. In the budget of the Philippine Islands for 1868, the expenditure is estimated at 204,571,510 reals, and the revenue at 238,490,510 reals.

The area of Spain, inclusive of the Balearic and Canary Islands, is 195,607 square miles. In point of administration, Spain was formerly divided into thirteen provinces (exclusive of the islands), most of which were during the middle ages independent states. In 1822 the Cortes abolished this division and divided the kingdom into fifty-one provinces (exclusive of the Canary Islands); this division was modified in 1833, and again in 1856. From that time, Spain has been divided into forty-nine provinces, each of which is called after its capital. The provinces are subdivided into districts (partidos). At the head of every province was a civil governor, appointed by the King. Among the different schemes of reorganization which were discussed in the last months of the year 1868, there was one to make Spain a federal republic on the basis of the revived names of the old historic provinces. In the following table we give both the old and the new division of provinces:

Basque provinces, 759,310.

Islands,

Tarragona.. Lerida Gerona.

Navarra.....

Biscaya..

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clusively of members of the Conservative (Moderados) and Neo-Catholic parties, as all the Liberal parties abstained, in March, 1867, from taking part in their election (see ANNUAL AMERICAN CYCLOPEDIA for 1867). The only opposition made to the ministry proceeded from the Senate, in which from 30 to 40 members belonged to the Liberal parties. On the 2d of January, the Chamber of Deputies unanimously passed the draft of an address, in reply to the speech of the throne on the reassembling of the Cortes in December, 1867. The most important passage of this address is the following, in which the Chamber refers to the position of Spain with regard to the Roman question:

The deputies may be permitted to express their satisfaction at the flattering and pacific state of our relations with friendly powers, and to render themselves the interpreters of the extreme joy that has been produced in all truly Spanish, and consequently Catholic hearts, by your Majesty's magnificent words relative to the Pontificial power, and favorable to the independence and stability of the legitimate power and the incontestable rights of the Holy See.

While making use of the initiative, and taking up the attitude suitable to an eminently Catholic nation

and while offering to the Emperor of the French, a friend and ally of Spain, the support of our moral cooperation, and even of our forces in case it should be thought necessary to employ them in the defence of the legitimate rights of the Holy See, the Government has deserved well of the nation, has shown itself worthy of the Queen who happily occupies the throne of Isabella I., and worthy also of the nation which has combated for the integrity of its faith during seven centuries. In the horrible struggle of the revolution against legitimacy of force against right, the Holy See symbolizes the cause of right and of legitimacy. By her filial love toward this Holy Father, by the moral influence of her opinion, by her language and her vote, if the European Conference came to be realized, Spain must assume the post of honor and of justice at the right of the Sovereign Pontiff, who is the most august, the calmest, and the most venerable figure of contemporary history.

Conformably to these sentiments, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, on January 22d, informed the Italian Government that Spain was determined to uphold the temporal power of the Pope. A brigade of volunteers was also formed for the support of the Pope, but it was dissolved before starting for Rome, owing to the remonstrances of France.

The proceeding of the Cortes did not present many points of interest. On March 11th the Minister of Finance was authorized to contract a loan of fifty-five millions of francs. The difficulty with England, arising out of the seizure of the British ship Queen Victoria, was settled by the payment of an indemnity to England. A treaty of commerce was concluded with the North-German Confederation. The formation of a new ministry, after the death of Marshal Narvaez, produced no change of policy. The Cortes were adjourned on May 20th.

During all this time, Spain was comparatively quiet. The Carlists had made preparations for a rising in February, but the scheme utterly failed. There were slight tumults in Catalonia in April, and the province was placed

under martial law; but no serious outbreak occurred.

But the situation became very grave in July. The Government claimed to have satisfactory evidence that the three great sections of the Liberal opposition, namely the "Liberal Union," of which the late Marshal O'Donnell had been the chief; the "Progressists," to which belonged Espartero, Prim, Olózaga, and Madoz; and the Democrats, who embraced a large republican element-had united in a more extensive revolutionary scheme than any that had yet threatened the reign of Isabella. On the 7th of June, Generals Serrano, Cordova, Dulce, Bedoya, Latore, Letona, and Zabula were arrested at Madrid, and lodged in prison. Simultaneously with the arrest of the generals, the Government requested the Duke and the Duchess de Montpensier, who were likewise suspected of being implicated in the conspiracy, to leave the country. The ministerial papers announced that this measure had become necessary, in order "that the Duke might not be used as a Previous to their exile, the Duke and Duchess flag by the enemies of Spanish institutions.” de Montpensier refused to comply with the orders of the Spanish Government, on the ground that an Infanta of Spain could only receive orders direct from the sovereign. Isabella thereupon signed the decree exiling them from Spain. After this step had been taken, the generals belonging to the Liberal Union party were also all exiled without exception. Insurrectionary attempts were at once made in Barcelona, Valencia, and Saragossa, but they were suppressed. Dissatisfaction with the Government increased, however, rapidly in all the provinces, and a number of prominent generals, among them the Captain-Generals of Madrid and Barcelona, tendered their resignations. Preparations for a great rising were made in all the provinces, and a perfect accord between all the oppositional parties secured.

The expected revolution began on the 17th of September, with an insurrectionary movement in Cadiz, and assumed at once formidable dimensions, when the commander of the naval force off Cadiz, Topete, declared in favor of the insurrection. Within a few days, pronunciamientos were made in almost every province. Local and provisional juntas were formed everywhere, to assume the control of the movement, and all the generals, exiled in June, as well as General Prim, appeared upon the scene, to place themselves at its head. Serrano and Prim were at Cadiz as early as the 19th of September. On the 21st the city of Santander fell into the hands of the insurgents, but it was recaptured on the 24th by General Calonge, after a sharp fight with the insurgents, who numbered about 1,800. The general reported a loss of 600 killed and wounded on the royal side, and 300 on that of the insurgents. After the reoccupation of the city, a number of citi zens, who were found with arms in their hands were tried by court-martial and immediately

shot. Against Serrano, advancing from Cadiz, General Pavia y Lacy (Marquis de Novaliches) was sent with troops from the capital. On the 28th an encounter between the two armies took place at Alcolea, two leagues from the city of Cordova, in the province of Andalusia. The first shots of the guerillas were heard toward three o'clock P. M. on the flank of the route at the gorge of the Sierra. Immediately after the artillery of the Marquis de Novaliches opened a well-sustained fire on the bridge and the country-houses beyond Las Ventas. After three hours and a half of a furious struggle the insurgents suspended their fusillade, and then the commander-in-chief and his staff rushed on to the bridge to the cry of "Viva la Reina!" They expected to pass without difficulty, but the troops of General Serrano, ambushed and covered by parapets, opened so violent a fire upon them that the troops of the Government had to fall back. The Marquis de Novaliches himself was seriously wounded in the throat. The defeat of Novaliches was immediately followed by a revolution in Saragossa, the whole of Andalusia, and in Madrid. In Madrid, the soldiers refused to fight any longer for the Queen, and made common cause with the citizens who declared in favor of the revolution. General Concha, who commanded in Madrid, resigned, and a provisional junta, composed of 14 Progressists, 9 Liberal Unionists, and 7 Democrats, was established to carry on the Government. All further resistance to the advance of Serrano was abandoned, and unopposed he entered with his troops on the 3d of October the city of Madrid, when he met with an enthusiastic reception. Equally or even more enthusiastic was the reception by the capital of General Prim on the 7th of October. The entire town turned out, and the crowds in the streets were immense. Deputations arrired from all parts, and they, with the troops, sailors, and civic bodies, escorted the general. It took upward of four hours for the procession to pass through the streets. The traffic was completely stopped, and several men and women were crushed to death by the crowd in front of General Prim's hotel, and in the Puerta del Sol. French, Italian, and Swiss deputations and musical bands accompanied the procession. General Prim made a speech to the people from the balcony of the office of the ministry, and laid stress upon the intimate unity existing between Marshal Serrano and himself, and urged the necessity for Liberals of all shades, for the people, and for the army, to preserve concord. "The victory of the revolution," he said, "was due to the joint action of the fleet, Marshal Serrano, and the exiled generals." At the conclusion of the speech, General Prim embraced Serrano, exclaiming aloud, "Down with the Bourbons!" This was received by all the people with unanimous applause. In the evening Madrid was magnificently illumi

nated.

At the outbreak of the revolution, the Queen,

who had just returned from a visit to the Emperor Napoleon at Biarritz, was at St. Sebastian, in the Pyrenees, near the French frontier. The defeat of her troops at Alcolea decided her to leave Spain at once for France. The Emperor sent three officers of the imperial household to meet the Queen, who on her flight was accompanied by the King-consort, her four younger children, her uncle Don Sebastian, the Minister of State, and several officers of the household, at the frontier. At the railway station at Hendaye, the Emperor, the Empress, and the Imperial Prince awaited the arrival of the Queen, who, after a brief interview with the imperial family, proceeded to Pau, where she took up her residence at the castle which the Emperor had placed at her disposal. From Pau she at once issued the following protest addressed to the Spanish people:

A conspiracy, for which the history of no European people offers a parallel, has just flung Spain into all the horrors of anarchy. The army and navy, which the nation so generously kept up, and whose services I have always been so happy to reward, forgetting glorious traditions and trampling upon the most sacred oaths, turn against their country, and involve her in mourning and desolation. The cry of the rebels raised in Cadiz Bay, and repeated in a few hearts of the immense majority of Spaniards as the provinces by part of the army, must echo in the forerunner of a storm which perils the interests of religion, the principles of legitimacy and right, and the independence and honor of Spain. The lamentable series of defections, the acts of incredible disloyalty which have occurred within so short a space of time, offend my dignity as a Spaniard even more than they affect my dignity as a queen. Let not the greatest enemies of authority themselves, in their from so high an authority can be conferred, modified, insane dreams, imagine that a power which emanates or suppressed by the intervention of brute force, under the impulse of deluded soldiers. If the towns and the provinces, yielding to the first pressure of violence, submit for a time to the yoke of the insurgents, soon public feeling, hurt in its inmost and noblest parts, will shake off its torpor, and show the world that the eclipse of reason and of honor in Spain cannot last long. Until that time arrives I have thought proper, as Queen of Spain, and after due deliberation and sound advice, to seek in the states of an august ally the security requisite to enable me to act, under these difficult circumstances, in conformity with my position as a queen, and with the duty that devolves on me to transmit unimpaired to my son my rights, sanctioned by law, acknowledged and sworn to by the nation, and fortified by thirty-five years of sacrifice, vicissitudes, and tender affection. While setting foot on a foreign soil, my heart and eyes turned toward that which is the land of my birth and that of my children. I hasten to frame my explicit and formal protest before God and before mankind, declaring that the force to which I yield in leaving my kingdom cannot invalidate my rights, nor lessen nor compromise them in any way. Neither can those rights be affected in any way by the acts of the revolutionary Government, and still less by the regulations of its assemblies, which must needs be formed obvious conditions of violence as regards the conunder the pressure of demagogic fury, and under science and will of the people. Our fathers maintained a protracted but successful struggle for the religious faith and the independence of Spain. The present generation has unceasingly toiled to connect all that was great and glorious in past ages with what modern times contain that is sound and fruitful. Revolution, that mortal foe to traditions and legiti

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mate progress, wars against all those principles which constitute the vital strength, the soul, and the manhood of the Spanish nation. Liberty in its unlimited expansion and in all its manifestations, attacking Catholic unity, the monarchy, and the legal exercise of power, disturbs family ties, destroys the sanctity of the domestic hearth, and kills virtue and patriotism. If you think that the crown of Spain, worn by a queen whose fortune it has been to connect her name with the social and political regeneration of the state, be the symbol of those sound principles, you will, as I hope, remain faithful to your oaths and to your creed; you will allow to pass away, as a scourge, the revolutionary vortex, in which ingratitude, felony, and ambition, jostle each other. You will live in the assurance that, even in the hour of misfortune, I shall omit nothing to uphold that symbol, apart from which Spain has not a single endearing recollection nor a single sustaining hope. The insane pride of a few is for a time upsetting and distracting the whole nation, throws men's souls into a state of confusion, and society into a state of anarchy. There is no room in my heart for hatred even against that small number. I should fear, lest any feeling of petty resentment should weaken the feeling of deep tenderness I entertain toward those loyal men who have risked their lives and shed their blood in defence of the throne and public order, and toward all those Spaniards who witness with grief and terror a triumphant insurrection-a shameful page in the history of our civilization. In the noble land whence I now address you, and everywhere, I will deplore, without allowing myself to be overcome, the misfortunes of my beloved Spain, which are my own. Had I not to support me, among many others, the example of the most venerable of sovereigns, a model of resignation and courage, also a prey to bitter tribulations, I should derive strength to do so from my confidence in the loyalty of my subjects, from the justice of my cause, and, above all, from my trust in the power of Him who holds the fate of empires in His hands.

A monarchy embodying fifteen centuries of struggles, patriotism, victories, and grandeur, cannot be destroyed by fifteen days of perjury and treason. Let us have faith in the future-the glory of the Spanish people was ever connected with its kings; the misfortunes of its kings ever fell heavily on the people. In my firm and patriotic hope that right, honor, and legitimacy will be maintained, your minds and your efforts will ever unite with the energetic decision and maternal affection of your

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ISABELLA.

The Queen remained at Pau a few weeks, and then took up her residence at Paris.

Immediately after the success of the revolution in Madrid, a Central Junta was elected, which called upon Marshal Serrano to organize a ministry. Marshal Serrano accepted the task, and the ministry was formed on the 8th of October, consisting of the following members: Marshal Serrano, President; General Prim, War; Admiral Topete, Marine; Figuerola, Finance; Lorenzana, Foreign Affairs; Ortiz, Justice; Sagasta, Interior; Ayala, Colonies; Ruiz Zorilla, Public Works. It was at once announced that the definite organization of the country, and in particular the future form of government, would be left to the constituent Cortes which were to be elected, as soon as practicable, by universal suffrage. The Central Junta, and the several members of the ministry, issued a number of decrees for the provisional administration of the country until the

meeting of the Cortes. The Central Junta continued its functions until the 21st of October, when it dissolved. All the local juntas followed this example, and Marshal Serrano, until the close of the year, remained the head of the provisional government.

On the 20th of October the Provisional Government offered a manifesto, explaining the reasons which compelled the Spanish people to throw off the yoke of the Bourbon dynasty. After explaining the grievances of the nation against the late Government, the manifesto says:

The people must now regain the time which it has lost. The principle of popular sovereignty which is now naturalized in Spain is the principle of national life, and the ideal type of the nation's aspirations. We may, therefore, be permitted to affirm that the national sovereignty, exercised in the first place by the vote of all, and subsequently by those elected by the people, will decree a complete system of liberties, which form, or will form, soon the rich and inalienable patrimony of a civilized country.

The circular also examines at length the question of freedom of public worship, and expresses hopes for the free exercise of every religion. It also states the desire of the Government to be on good terms with foreign Powers, and to obtain the moral concurrence of foreign Governments, adding:

But if we should fail in this respect, if the example of America in recognizing the revolution be not fol lowed, we shall not be discouraged. We can tranquilly proceed with our task, for our independence is not threatened, and we have no foreign intervention to fear. To legitimize the revolution we have sought the sole criterion now considered infallible-namely, in view is to place ourselves on a level with the most an appeal to universal suffrage. The aim which we have advanced nations, and thus cease to form a dissonance in the great concert of nations. We have a perfect right to expect from foreign countries respect for the state of things which we have created, and we entertain a justifiable hope that the Governments which march at the head of civilization will not rewhich they accorded to the power that crushed and fuse to Spain those proofs of amity and fraternity humiliated us.

men

The new electoral law announced by the Provisional Government was as follows: Every Spaniard twenty-five years of age has a right to vote. The only persons disqualified are the following: Convicts not rehabilitated; under criminal accusations at the moment of the elections; those deprived of their political rights; individuals against whom a judgment has been given, declaring them incapable of managing their own affairs; bankrupts; insol vent traders or manufacturers; and individuals prosecuted to recover payment of their taxes Soldiers and sailors will vote at the places in which they are garrisoned, provided that they have a two months' residence. All electors dwelling in the communes and engaged in trade are eligible to municipal functions; they may also form part of the provincial councils, pro vided they do not occupy any office paid by the local government or the state. No Government functionary is qualified in the province, district, or commune in which he holds his office.

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