Of which sum the cis-Leithan provinces furnish 70 per cent., or 70,250,033; and the transLeithan provinces 30 per cent., or 30,107,157.

The budget of 1868, for the cis-Leithan provinces, was as follows: Receipts, 317,336,591; expenditures, 322,892,490; deficit, 5,555,899. The public debt, on December 31, 1867, was 3,025,315,896 florins; on December 31, 1866, 2,919,717,689 florins.

The strength of the army on the peace and war footing was, in 1868, as follows:

Infantry.. Cavalry

Other troops..

Total....

Peace footing. War footing.

..153,700 39.229

43,072

.236,001

608,447 42,705

The navy consisted, in 1868, of 45 steamers, with 12,756 horse-power and 529 guns, and 16 sailing-vessels, with 76 cannons. The merchant marine, in 1868, consisted of 7,836 vessels, together of 324,415 tons.

The liberal ministry, which had been appointed, in December, 1867, for the cis-Leithan countries, showed a firm determination to carry through constitutional principles. Dr. Giskra, the Minister of the Interior, in January, issued a circular to the chief officials in the provinces, announcing that as in future all members of the administration are bound to swear to inviolably observe the fundamental laws of the empire, so also must those who have already been sworn now make a fresh declaration, swearing fidelity to the new constitution. Nobody is to be forced to make this declaration. It is not a mere formality, but a political act of national importance. Besides inviolable fidelity to the Emperor, there will be required from all functionaries an unconditional observance of the constitution and fundamental laws. The minister the more emphatically requires sincere devotion and stainless fidelity to the constitution, since he is responsible for all acts of the internal administration. Treachery and hostility to the constitution, he says, must be regarded as quite as grave a dereliction of duty as any other violation of the official oath. Mere indifference or neutrality to the constitution is not sufficient. In conclusion, the minister requires from the officials strict punctuality, quick transaction of business, a thorough emancipation from formalism, constant will ingness in their communications with the people, disinterested impartiality, and the maintenance of their social position by an irreproachable private life. Then will the Austrian officials be the most efficient interpreters of the constitutional idea.

In a second circular to the provincial governors of Upper Austria and Styria, Dr. Giskra calls attention to the agitation fo

The law concerning civil marriage consecrates, for the benefit of all citizens, the right to contract a lawful union outside of the Catholic or any other church, and without the intervention of the clergy of any sect

whatever.

The law relative to primary instruction restores the principle of the civil authority in the public schools founded and maintained by the state; it takes away from the clergy the exclusive direction of such in

struction.

Article 1 of the law, on the subject of profession of faith, declares invalid every engagement made with the heads or the subordinate officers of any church or religious society concerning the profession of faith in which the children (of the party) are to be brought up. (This refers to the solemn engagement required in the Catholic Church as a condition of its assent to such a proposed marriage, that the children of mixed marriages shall be brought up as Catholics.)

Article 4 sanctions in the most absolute manner fourteen years every one has the right of freely choosthe principle of liberty of conscience. At the age of ing his religion according to his own convictions, and the civil authority is bound in case of need to protect this free choice. Before that age legitimate children follow the religion of their parents, if both belong to the same faith; illegitimate children follow the religion of their mother. In the case of mixed marriages the son follows the religion of his father, the daughter that of her mother; this arrangement may, however, be modified by the contract of marriage. change his religion. Notice of such a change must be After the age of fourteen every one may freely given to the civil authorities, in order that it may have its legal effect.

The provisions of the civil and penal codes, which disinherited any one who should abandon the Christian religion, are annulled by article seven. The same is true of those sections which characterized as crimes all acts tending to pervert any one from Christianity, or the propagation of doctrines contrary to the Christian religion.

bound to contribute, in money or in kind, to the supAccording to articles 9 and 10, no one can be port of a form of worship not his own. The same provision applies to contributions for schools, unless the adherents of different sects have agreed to the support of a common school. Articles 12 and 13 regspecial law on the subject. The police of the cemeulate the question of cemeteries until the passage of a teries is under the jurisdiction of the civil authorities of the parish. No religious community can refuse burial in its cemetery to a member of another church, either first, in case of an interment in a family vault, or second, if there be in the parish where the death occurs no cemetery belonging especially to the church or religious society of which the deceased was a mem

ber. Finally, by article 14, no one can be compelled to abstain from work on days celebrated as fetes by any church not his own.

The bishops of Austria made a decided opposition to all these laws. While the one on civil marriage was under consideration in the Lower House of the Reichsrath, fourteen bishops addressed to the president of the ministry a letter, in which they express apprehension that, by the first article of the fundamental laws, the Church will be deprived of the right of settling her own affairs. In reply to this letter, the president of the ministry, Prince Auersperg, declared that during the debate on the bill in the Reichsrath the most ample opportunity was given for the free discussion of its provisions, an opportunity which was not neglected; that no present law empowers the courts to take cognizance of the question of religious teaching; and as to the administration of the Church's own affairs, guarantees for the future are afforded by articles 14 and 15 of the constitutional law. The Government, Prince Auersperg says, entertains the highest regard for religious liberty, and would at all times be ready to afford powerful support to the authority of the church, but equally, as the Government has no intention of passing beyond the limits of state authority, just as little can it assist in this being done by others. The Government, therefore, declines entering upon that part of the remonstrance which, even although unintentionally, makes the obligations imposed upon state officials by the constitution the subject of an interpretation calculated to lead the sentiment of duty in the minds of those officials astray.

In June, the Pope, in an allocution, complained of those new laws as a one-sided violation of the Concordat, concluded in 1855, between the Austrian Government and the Papal See. (See ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.) The Chancellor of the Emperor, Baron von Beust, addressed, on July 3d, to Baron von Maysenburg, the Austrian ambassador in Rome, a reply to the the allocution, of which the following are the most essential paragraphs:

We cannot (it says), in the first place, admit the obligation which imposes upon the Holy See the necessity of following certain precedents, and of adopting toward Austria the same proceedings as toward other countries, of which the Holy See has had to complain. Is it possible, in fact, to draw any comparison? Have we attacked the territory or property of the Church? Have we oppressed the Catholic religion and its ministers? Putting aside examples which do not bear on the case, we may, I think, boldly affirm that there is no country in Europe where the Catholic Church has so privileged a position as in Austria, notwithstanding the laws of May 25th. The circumstance ought to have been taken into account before the imperial Government was confounded in the same reprobation with other Governments which were in reprobation to the Church and the Catholic religion in a different way. We can uuderstand that the Holy Father may have felt it to be indispensable to protest against the laws which modify the situation created by the Concordat of 1855. We fully expected

a proceeding of this kind, and we might have accepted it silently, even if its form were less conciliatory than we permitted ourselves to hope. But what we nation hurled against the fundamental laws on which cannot pass over without objection is, the condemthe new institutions of the empire are based. These laws were not the subject of dispute, and, by attacking them as it has, the Holy See deeply wounds the national feelling, and gives to the present difference a meaning that is very much to be regretted, even in the interest of the Church. Instead of simply contesting this or that application of the principles which form the basis of the present Government of Austria, and which are the fruit of the happy accord between the peoples of the empire and their sovereign, it is the principles themselves that are condemned. The Holy See thus extends its representation to objects which we can by no means admit to be within its authority. It envenoms a question which already produced only too much excitement, by directing men's minds to matters where political will be associated with religious passions. Finally, by condemning laws which include the principle of the liberty of the Church, and thus offering it compensation for the privileges it loses, it renders more difficult a conuseless to remark here that these laws expressly guar ciliatory attitude of the Government. It may not be antee to the Church the property of the wealth it possesses in Austria. This stipulation proves that the laws in question are not hostile to the Church, since they maintain to her those rights of which she has been deprived in so many other countries. It is not for me to judge in what measure this last consideration ought to mitigate the judgment of the court of Rome. What I have not a shadow of doubt about is, that the people of Austria will find consolation in remembering that more than one very Catholic nation is subject to legal arrangements of the same kind, which yet live in peace with the Church, and that there is especially one great and powerful empire in Europe whose tendencies toward progress and liberty have always been allied with very decided attachment to the Catholic faith, and which, though governed by laws quite as abominable, has, up to the latest moment, been blest with the indulgent sympathies of the Holy See. My dispatch of the 17th of June last, anticipated the bad consequences which the allocution would produce, if it was not worded in very moderate language. I regret extremely that the court of Rome did not pay more attention to these anticipations. They have been completely realized. I do not think the Catholic population of the empire have more zeal now than they had before for the interests of their religion. On the contrary, we see an increased ardor in the attacks directed against the Church, the clergy, and the Pope. This hostility would have been confined within the narrowest limits, and would have been easily appeased, if the special questions affected by the laws of May 25th had alone been treated of in the Papal allocution. Before concluding, I must here also express the painful surprise which the appeal addressed to the Hungarian bishops in the closing sentences of the allocution has produced. It seems to me that Rome ought to be thankful for the perfect tact and reserve with which these delicate matters have been hitherto treated in Hungary. It would be undesirable in every point of view to raise new differences, and thereby to augment the embarrassments which already exist. But it is especially in the very interest of the court of Rome that it appears to us inopportune to arouse the national suceptibility of the Hungarians. The appearance of foreign pressure would produce in that nation results the opposite to those which the Holy See desires, and we should see a storm raised against the legitimate influence of the court of Rome, similar to that which is raging on this side of the Leitha. These are the observations suggested to us by a pe rusal of the pontifical allocution. Lay them before his eminence the Cardinal Secretary of State. We

shall none the less persevere in the way we have begun. While we shall continue to maintain intact the rights of the State and respect for the laws, we shall allow the Church to enjoy in peace the liberties which our laws secure to her; and we shall endeavor to observe, in the mutual relations between Church and State, a spirit of conciliation and equity, which I hope will be reciprocal. Your excellency will be pleased to make yourself the faithful organ of these sentiments, and in doing so you will only conform to the views of the Emperor, our august master.

The Czechs, who, as may be seen from the above table of nationalities, constitute a majority of the total population of Bohemia and Moravia, kept up an active agitation for consolidating their nationality, and for securing the control of these two provinces. Most of the leaders of the national party even went so far as to demand a repeal of the union of Bohemia and Moravia with the cis-Leithan part of the empire, and the establishment of an equal degree of independence for the lands of the Boheinian crown as that which has been conceded to Hungary. The Czech deputies to the Reichsrath declined to take any part in its deliberations. A number of excited mass-meetings stirred up the national spirit. At an open-air meeting, held at the foot of the Rip Mountain, at which, according to the Czech journals, there were 20,000 people present, the wishes of the nation were thus expressed:

"We wish to be as prosperous and free in our own country as our fathers have been; we wish the once free Czech people to be again master of its destinies, and alone to decide on all its affairs together with its crowned King. We wish no laws to be valid in Bohemia but such as are prepared by the Bohemian Diet and sanctioned by the crowned Bohemian King, that no taxes be raised or men levied for the army except by the constitutional direction of the Bohemian King and Diet."

In order to give effect to these views, it was agreed that steps should be taken for the dissolution, as early as possible, of the present Bohemian Diet, and the election of another on the principle of universal suffrage, which should be directed to prepare a constitution for Bohemia similar to that enjoyed by Hungary; the establishment of a great political society "on a national and democratic basis;" the publication of a journal representing democratic principles, and the election of a committee of twenty-five trustworthy persons for the purpose of making the necessary preparations for these

measures.

At Prague and other places serious riots took place, at which excesses were committed against German institutions. The Government, accordingly, deemed it necessary (for the first time since its appointment) to suspend the usual securities for the liberties of the individual citizens in Prague and its vicinity, namely Surichow and Karolinenthal.

The provincial Diets of cis-Leithania were all opened on August 22d. Important action was taken by some of them. The Lower Austrian Diet adopted a petition to the Reichsrath praying it to abolish the present system of indirect elections to the Reichsrath, and to introduce

(with the consent of the respective Diets) a system of direct elections. The Diet declares its wish to resign its present electoral rights in favor of its constituents. As it is known that several of the Diets, especially the Galician one, the Lower Austrian is in favor of direct ones, are as strongly in favor of indirect elections as it is proposed to make the change a permissive one, so that each province may decide for itself how it will conduct its elections to the Reichsrath.

These dis

The Galician Diet before it adjourned passed a bill abolishing the disabilities of the Jews in municipal and communal affairs. abilities consisted mainly in this-that the law, as it was, required that in every commune and municipality at least two-thirds of the town fathers should be Christians. As, in many Galician townships, the Jewish population is a majority of the whole number of inhabitants, this provision was complained of by the Jews as a grievance. The parties opposed to this measure were the Catholic party, the peasant members, and the Ruthenian faction.

The Tyrolese Diet refused to amend its school legislation in such a manner as to bring it into harmony with the provisions of the school law, passed by the Reichsrath at its last session. This is the only Diet in the purely German provinces where the liberal and ministerial party are in a minority, and where the Conservative or Catholic party is in a majority. The majority of this Diet passed an amended law, according to which the bishops will have undivided control over the common schools of Tyrol.

In January the Emperor appointed the Archduke Albrecht commander of the Austrian military forces, and imposed upon him the duty of inspecting the army, of organizing it in a manner fit to take the field, and of submitting the requisite proposals on the subject to the Ministry of War.

According to a report of M. Mahy, director of the Austrian telegraphs, the extent of telegraphs in the cis-Leithan countries is 1,913 German miles, with 4,617 miles of wire, besides 1,253 miles of lines used for railway signals. In the course of 1867 seventeen new offices and forty-six auxiliary stations were opened, and, in all, 858 were at work at the end of the year. Those in Hungary are 135 in number. In June, 1867, a treaty was concluded with Turkey, and in September five others with Switzerland, in virtue of which a great portion of the English correspondence with India has been diverted to the Austrian lines. In the year 1867, 2,217,929 dispatches were sent off from the cis-Leithan offices, producing a receipt of 1,512,922 florins. The whole revenue of the telegraphs for that year was 2,330,000 florins, and the expense 2,200,000.

A new commercial treaty was concluded with the Zollverein. Each party renounces all power of imposing any prohibition on the export, import, or transit of goods between their

respective territories, except in as far as sanitary considerations or a state of war may make such prohibition necessary. The citizens of both countries are to enjoy equal rights in nearly all commercial respects, with very few exceptions. Export duties are to be abolished in all but a few cases especially excepted, and transit duties are to cease altogether. Import duties are not to exceed the excise duties levied on the same article in the respective territories. Each party has the right of establishing consulates in the territory of the other in those places in which other countries have consuls. The consuls also of each party are to afford the same protection to the subjects of the other as to their own. The treaty is to remain in force till the end of 1877, and a year's notice is necessary for its termination.

The delegations of the Cis-Leithan and TransLeithan Diets, for the discussion of affairs common to the whole monarchy, met at Pesth in November. The "Red Book" laid before the members clearly showed that the relations of

Austria to Prussia and Russia had not been of a friendly nature. Baron Beust, in a dispatch to the Austrian ambassador in London, says that the Austrian Government has never changed its desire to contribute as much as possible to the maintenance of peace, and that it attributed special importance to the maintenance of a good understanding with Prussia. He thinks that latterly nothing has occurred which might be a special subject of satisfaction to Austria. He does not see that the intention of Prussia, not to follow a policy in the East contrary to that of Austria, is corroborated by facts. When Russia and France contemplated the presentation of their note on the affairs of Crete, Prussia at first hesitated to join, and it was only after England and Austria had declared they would abstain from joining in such a step, that Prussia joined in it. Although since that time France had shown signs of a disposition to accept the views of Austria and England in this matter, Prussia has not done so.

BADEN, a grand-duchy in South Germany. Grand-duke Friedrich, born September 9, 1826; succeeded his father Leopold, as regent, on April 24, 1852; assumed the title of Grand-duke, on September 5, 1856. Area, 5,912 square miles; populations according to the census of December, 1867, 1,488,872, (1,429,199 in 1864). The ecclesiastical statistics of the grand-duchy were reported in 1867 as follows (the total showing a slight difference from the total population as stated above): Roman Catholics, 931,007; Protestants, 475,918; Mennonites, 1,319; German Catholics, 385; Baptists, 455; Greek Catholics, 254; Christians of other confessions, 22; Jews, 25,594; persons who were neither Christians nor Jews, 11. The following towns had, in 1867, more than 10,000 inhabitants: Carlsruhe (the capital), 32,004; Freiburg, 20,792; Pforzheim, 16,417; Mannheim, 34,017; Heidelberg, 18,327; Rastadt, 10,726. In the budget for the two years, 1868 and 1869, the aggregate receipts are estimated at 28,898,998 florins; the expenditures at 28,154,319; surplus, 744,679. The public debt, on January 1, 1868, amounted to 32,285,003 florins. Military service, in virtue of a law of February 12, 1868, is obligatory for all. The annual contingent is 4,700 men. The duration of service is three years in the active army, four years in the reserve, five years in the landwehr. The whole army, on a peace footing, consists of 14,812, and on a war footing, of 45,397 men. state ministry was partly reconstructed in 1868, with Dr. Julius Jolly, Minister of the Interior, as president. The new ministry announced, as the chief aim of its policy, the establishment of German unity. (On the relations of

The

Baden to the North-German Confederation, and the other South-German States, see GERMANY.)

BANKS. There are no State banks in operation in the States of Massachusetts, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and a few other States. The following is a recapitulation of banks now in operation under State laws:

Alabama California.

Delaware..

STATES.

Connecticut..
District of Columbia.
Illinois
Indiana..
Kentucky
Louisiana.
Maine....

Maryland..
Michigan.

Minnesota.

Missouri..
Mississippi..
New Hampshire
New Jersey..
New York State..
New York City..
Ohio...
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island.

Tennessee..
Vermont
Virginia..
West Virginia
Wisconsin..

Total State Banks....
Total National Banks
Total bank capital, U. S..