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and grasshoppers, are due primarily to the waning fertility of the soil, and the fact that these depredators find in the great decrease of the grasses and weeds, which are their natural aliment, the necessity of preying upon the more precious crops, and that these in their turn cannot derive from the impoverished soil the means of replacing the tissues which the ravenous insects have devoured. This leads us to speak of the terrible plague of insects injurious to vegetation experienced during the past year. To a considerable extent these were new enemies. The army-worm and the bollworm preyed upon the cotton as they had done before; the midge and the Hessian fly committed ravages among the cereal grains; the aphis or plant-louse family, universal pests, destroying with equal zest the life-juices of the hop, the rose, the potato, and the grape; and the grasshoppers were almost universally prevalent and destructive to grass, to herbage and foliage, not only on the plains of Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, but in the hills and valleys of the Eastern States. These were old foes. But the newer comers were the ten-lined spearman, or potato-bug, which has for some years committed such havoc upon the potato crop; the great variety of beetles large and small, which have attacked the roots of grasses and other plants; the larvae of innumerable moth and butterfly tribes, from the odious measuring-worm, the Procris (those yellow worms with black dots which are found in colonies of from 15 to 100 on the under side of the grape leaves); the eight-barred Alypia, whose lightblue color banded with black renders him less disgusting than his depredations warrant; to the giant larvæ of the sphinx tribes, huge loathsome creatures of various shades, from light-green to velvety brown, and, prettier but equally destructive, the larvae of the beautiful wood-nymphs. When we add to these the whole race of hairy caterpillars, and the crickets which devour so voraciously every green thing, we have an army of enemies, which will almost drive the horticulturist, the grapegrower, and the farmer, to despair.

How shall we rid ourselves of these pests? The birds, especially the sparrows, the swallows, the wrens, and the robins are good friends in this extremity, and if they claim a few strawberries, cherries, or grapes as toll, they have richly earned them by their activity and zeal. But the insect tribes were too abundant in the summer of 1868 to be completely kept under by any family of birds. The song-sparrows, the most active of these destroyers of noxious insects and worms, so glutted themselves that after a time they lost their appetite and became discouraged. Birds, too, do not readily find or seize those larvae which colonize the under side of the leaves of the grape, the pelargonium, and other large-leaved plants. For these, other measures of destruction or prevention are needful. So far as the eggs, from which these depredators are hatched, are deposited in the

ground, or on the roots of plants, trees, and shrubs, the free use of the Phoenix disinfectant or some other powder, containing a considerable quantity of the carbolate of lime in fine powder, seems to be the most effectual remedy. But the greater part are hatched from eggs deposited on the plants themselves. For these, syringing or sprinkling with sulphur is the only effectual remedy. There are many washes or solutions recommended as certain to destroy these insect pests; some of them are doubtless effective, but they kill the plant as well as the insects. A solution of tobacco-soap, a filthy, disgusting compound, is largely advertised, but is not always efficacious; the suds from whale-oil soap, which is also strongly recommended, frequently fails; that of cresylic soap is better, and is perhaps preferable to any thing else, but there is danger to the plants if it is applied in too great strength. Numberless nostrums have been advertised as sure to accomplish the object, but those which are best owe their value to the presence of either cresylic or carbolic acid in some form of combination.

For the destruction of the "ten-lined spearman" or potato-bug (which, though belonging to the family of the Cantharida, like the potato blister-fly, Cantharis vittata, was well known in the Eastern States, is now named by entomologists Doryphora decim lineata, from its peculiar markings), various means have been recommended, but none of them thoroughly effective. The use of slaked lime in powder, sprinkled over the vines, of sawdust saturated with coal-oil, of brine (which must be much diluted or it will kill the plants as well as the bugs), of powdered hellebore (somewhat dangerous, being an active poison), and of soot, have all been recommended. We believe the suds from cresylic soap as good as any of them. Another method of exterminating the bugs is to take a double scoop-net, made something like an eel-pot, and passing it swiftly and vigorously over the potato vines, sweep them into it, and then, when once caught, drop them into boiling water. This is effectual, but it is tedious work.

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The year was more prolific than most of those which preceded it, in the publication of really able and valuable books on agriculture and horticulture. The following were the most important: "The Agricultural" and the "Horticultural Annual" for 1868; "The book of Evergreens," by J. Hoopes; "Cotton Culture," by Lyman; "Darwin's Variations of Animals and Plants," 2 vols.; Gardening for Profit," by Peter Henderson; Harris's “Insects injurious to Vegetation," a new edition; "How Crops Grow," by Professor S. W. Johnson; "The Percheron Horse;" Harris's "Rural Annual," 2 vols.; "The Tim Bunker Papers"; "The Crack Shot," by Barber; Du Breuil's "Vineyard Culture," edited by Dr. Warder; "Farm Talk," by Brackett; Geyelin's "Poultry Breeding; "Waring's "Elements of Agriculture."

ALABAMA. At the close of the previous year, on December 28th, Major-General John Pope having been relieved by President Johnson from the command of the Third Military District, comprising the States of Alabama, Georgia, and Florida, Major-General Meadé was assigned to the same, and a change of the district commander of Alabama soon followed, by assigning Brigadier-General Julius Hayden to the position held by Major-General Wagner Swayne.

Early in the month of January, Major E. W. Crittenden, post commandant at Montgomery, issued a general order, forbidding military organizations of any character, except troops of the United States. He further directed that all such organizations, in existence, should be immediately disbanded; and that all sheriffs, or other civil authorities, should report at once every violation of this order.

mayors,

One of the earliest acts of General Meade was to reinstate the clerk of the District Court, Charles R. Hubbard, who had been removed by General Swayne.

The relations existing at this time between the civil and military authorities of the district are explained in an order issued by General Meade, on January 15th, which was as

follows:

General Orders, No. 10.

HEADQUARTERS THIRD MILITARY DISTRICT, ATLANTA, GA., January 15, 1868. The frequency of reported outrages, and the accompanying expression of opinion of subordinate officers, that no justice is to be expected from the civil authorities, require notice and action on the part of the major-general commanding.

1. The commanding general desires it to be understood that the trial and punishment of criminals is to be left to the civil authorities, so long as the said authorities are energetic, active, and do justice to the rights of person and property without distinction of race or color. Whenever the major-general commanding is satisfied, from evidence produced, that the civil authorities fail to do their duty, then prompt action will be taken by him, both for the punishment of criminals, and the removal from office of derelict civil officers.

2. The military are to cooperate with, and aid the civil authorities in the detection, capture, and custody of criminals, and they are further authorized, in cases where they have reason to believe that the civil authorities are not disposed to do their duty, to retain criminals in custody until the fact becomes evident, whether the civil authorities will or will not perform their duty-immediately reporting their action on all such cases to these headquarters.

3. Writs of habeas corpus, issued against criminals in the custody of the military, will be obeyed so far as to produce the body of the prisoner in court, and the making of a respectful return, setting forth the grounds and authority by which the prisoner is held. Should the court fail to respect the authority under which the prisoner was held, the custody of the criminal will not be transferred to the court withcut a reference to these headquarters.

4 The major-general desires to impress on the officers under his command the exercise of a sound discretion and good judgment. It is his determination to afford the civil authorities every opportunity to discharge their duties untrammelled by any action on the part of the military, but such as they, the civil authorities, may invite and desire. He makes this public notice to the civil authorities that they may be

governed thereby-assuring them that they shall be respected in the exercise of their powers so long as impartial justice is meted out to all; but the comfullest extent, the plenary powers with which he is manding general is determined to exercise, to the intrusted, to secure protection of person and property in the district he commands.

By command of Major-General MEADE. R. C. DRUM, Assistant Adjutant-General. There was much excitement, and strong partisan feeling, throughout the State, relative to the adoption or rejection of the new constitution proposed by the convention, held in 1867, under the Reconstruction Act of Congress. Meetings were held and addresses delivered, for and against it. The Conservative State committee called upon the people to form clubs, and thus concentrate their opposition to the measure. A conference, in opposition to the constitution, was held at Montgomery, and attended by influential delegates from all parts of the State. It issued an address to the people, setting forth the reasons for their opposition. They said the Constitution was framed by delegates representing merely the blacks and non-residents, and not the white inhabitants; nearly forty thousand of whom were disfranchised by the article on franchise, passed by the convention that formed the instrument, in order to secure its success. They further declared that so sweeping was the disfranchisement, that its effect would be to place the State government in the hands of the blacks and their abettors. In addition, every person wishing to vote was required to take a testoath. In the opinion of the conference, this oath or affirmation, of itself, was rigid enough to disfranchise several thousands of conscientious voters. The address further stated as follows:

By the law of Congress as it now stands, a majority of the registered voters of the State must vote in the election, or the constitution is not adopted. There are about 167,000 registered voters in the State, so that it will require 84,000 votes to adopt the constitution.

We could not, under the unfair influences arrayed against us, reasonably hope to secure more than 84,000 votes against the constitution, and unless we do we would not accomplish more by voting than we would by refusing to vote. Then, the most certain way of defeating the constitution, as the law now stands, is to refrain from voting.

But, in the event the law is changed by Congress, and it is enacted that the majority of the votes cast shall decide upon the adoption or rejection of the constitution, the Congress will then have been forced to a departure from the law which it has ordained, and the rule which it has presented for itself and the people of the State, in determining whether this constitution should be the constitution of Alabama, and will be compelled to exhibit to the world the fact that the constitution they impose is not the constitution of the people of Alabama, but the constitution of a minority of the whole people, and that, a negro minority.

Could the constitution be defeated by voting against it under the assumed change in the law of Congress, with the unpropitious and hostile influences opposed to us? We are constrained to the opinion that it could be:

1. Because the negroes, as a body, will vote for its

adoption. To this there might be exceptions, but this would be the rule.

2. The machinery for conducting the registries, and the elections, is in the hands of those who favor the adoption of the constitution, and there are no sufficient means of purging the polls, or preventing or detecting frauds in the registration or in the management of the election.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted by the conference:

Resolved, 1. That we recommend to the people of Alabama, opposed to the constitution proposed by the convention, lately in session at Montgomery, to abstain from voting at all the elections to be held on the fourth and fifth of February, either upon the question of ratifying or rejecting that constitution, or

for candidates for offices under it.

2. That we also recommend to the opponents of said constitution, that they form and maintain effective political organizations among themselves in every portion of the State, until they are delivered from the perils which are impending.

The thirtieth day of January was recommended to the people of the State as a day of fasting and prayer to Almighty God, to deliver the people of Alabama "from the horrors of negro domination."

A petition also was prepared by the people opposed to granting suffrage to the blacks, and presented to the lower House of Congress, in which they complained of the grievances under which they considered that the people of Alabama were suffering. They professed the humblest submission and obedience to the laws, and portrayed the poverty prevailing on account of the unsettled condition of the State, owing to the political animosities and strife existing. In conclusion, they said:

We are beset by secret oath-bound political societies; our character and conduct are systematically misrepresented and magnified to you and in the newspapers of the North; the intelligent and impartial administration of just laws is obstructed; industry and enterprise are paralyzed by the fears of the white men and the expectations of the black that Alabama will soon be delivered over to the rule of the latter; and many of our best people are, for these reasons, leaving the homes they love for other and strange lands. Continue over us, if you will do so, your own rule by the sword. Send down among us honorable and upright men of your own people, of the race to which you and we belong, and ungracious, contrary to wise policy and the institutions of the country, and tyrannous as it will be, no hand will be raised among us to resist by force their authority. But do not, we implore you, abdicate your rule over us, by transferring us to the blighting, brutalizing, and unnatural dominion of an alien and inferior race, a race which has never exhibited sufficient administrative ability for the good government of even the tribes into which it is broken up in its native seats; and which in all ages has itself furnished slaves for all the other races of the earth.

For the purpose of modifying order No. 49, issued during the previous year, Major-General Meade issued an order, dated February 2, 1868, in which he prohibits the insertion of official documents in all newspapers attempting to obstruct, in any manner, the civil officers in the discharge of their duties. He further said:

Opposition to reconstruction, when conducted in a legitimate manner, is not to be considered an offence;

but will be so considered when accompanied by violent and incendiary articles threatening the preservation of the peace, or by attempts to obstruct civil officers, as indicated in paragraph 1 of this order. Should any civil officer violate the provisions of this order, the case will be promptly reported to these headquarters.

against the constitution, prepared in 1867, On the 4th of February, the vote for and took place and passed off quietly. The whites, with unusual unanimity, abstained from the polls, and also a large number of blacks. The friends of the constitution made a most strenuous effort to poll as large a vote as possible, still they were defeated by about 15,000 votes. tended to four days, by order of Major-General The time for taking the votes was also exMeade. About 70,000 votes were polled for the constitution, while it required about 85,000 to insure its success. The friends of the constitution elected the Governor, W. H. Smith, the Lieutenant-Governor, the members of Congress, and a large majority of the members of the Legislature.

About this time a bill, providing for the admission of Alabama as a State in the Union, was introduced in the lower House of Congress and referred to the Committee on Reconstruction. The majority of that commitee submitted, on March 11th, to the House of Representatives, a report in favor of the bill, which was to establish the constitution thus rejected at the polls, chiefly on the ground that a severe storm prevented the attendance of the voters in the Republican part of the State.

A minority report was also submitted against the bill. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, opposed the bill, on the ground that it would be wrong to force on the people of Alabama a constitution in face of such a vote. The bill was referred back to the committee, and a substitute reported and passed in the House, but not acted upon by the Senate.

On the 17th of February the recently-elected Legislature of Alabama met in the office of the Sentinel newspaper, at Montgomery. The Lieutenant-Governor, A. J. Applegate, called the Senate to order, and in his address to them said that he regretted the absence of Governor Smith. The fact that Congress had not voted on the bill to admit the State could make no difference, as there was no doubt that the Assembly was legally elected, and Congress would undoubtedly recognize whatever they might do. It was absolutely necessary for the Assembly to act in advance of Congress, because the life of the nation was in danger, and there was a pressing "necessity for two Senators from Alabama to sit upon the trial of that renegade and traitor, Andrew Johnson." The Assembly would be sustained by Congress and by General Meade. "General Meade has beer in consultation with many of us for the last few days, and stands ready to sustain on action. If any other assistance were needed, Ma jor-General Dustan, commanding the militia can at an hour's notice surround our body with

several regiments of loyal troops. Let us have no fear, but face the danger like men who are ready to do their duty at all hazards. It is now my duty to say that the Senate of Alabama is organized and ready for duty."

After some unimportant business, the Senate adjourned.

The proceedings were annulled by the subsequent action of Congress in the admission of Alabama.

On the 28th of February, General Meade issued an order instructing all officers, whose duty it is made by law to provide for the relief of paupers, to extend relief to all persons entitled to claim and claiming the same as paupers, without any discrimination as to race or color. And that in all public institutions supported by legislative appropriation or taxation, for the benefit of the deaf and dumb, the blind, or insane, indigent colored persons should be received on the same conditions and enjoy all the benefits which white persons were entitled to receive and enjoy in such institu

tions.

About this time some difficulty arose between the military authorities and judiciary. The Hon. B. T. Pope, Judge of the Twelfth Judicial Court, was arrested and incarcerated, by First-Lieutenant Charles J. Johnson, commanding at Jacksonville, for violation of General Order No. 53, which instructed all judges to see that juries were empanelled "without discrimination." Judge Pope interpreted the order as meaning, "without discrimination as to color, but requiring the other qualifications required by statute." In this view he was sustained by Major-General Meade, who ordered his discharge from arrest, and censured the conduct of Lieutenant Johnson.

A military commission was convened on the 13th, at Selma, for the trial of several persons charged with riot and assault and battery. The indictment contained several charges and specifications. The court found all the prisoners, except two, guilty, and sentenced them to terms of imprisonment varying from one to five years, and a fine of five hundred dollars each. General Meade approved of the proceedings and findings, but mitigated the sentences. These trials caused more than ordinary excitement, from the fact that they came within the civil jurisdiction.

A State convention assembled at Montgomery on the 3d of June. After two days' deliberation it adopted a resolution in favor of sending delegates to the National Democratic Convention, to be held at New York, on the 4th of July, and passed the following resolu

tions:

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Resolved, That the thanks of the Southern people, as well as all friends of free government, are eminently due to Andrew Johnson for the unflinching courage and unsurpassable ability with which he has acquitted himself of his official oath to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States; that this convention pays to him its respects and admiration, both as a patriot and a man, being incorruptible which he has just triumphantly passed. in both capacities, as proven by the ordeal through

About this time a meeting was held at Montgomery in support of General Grant for the presidency, at which some soldiers attended, who gave expression to their feelings in opposition to General Grant, and were strongly censured in a military order issued by Major W. F. Hartz, commanding the sub-District of Montgomery.

In the early part of June, a bill, for the admission of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama, and Florida, passed both Houses of Congress over the President's veto, and these States thus became entitled to representation in Congress.

Immediately upon the passage of this bill, the Governor-elect, W. H. Smith, issued the following proclamation, convening the Legislature, in order to conform to the conditions of the act of Congress, and to ratify the proceedings of the constitutional convention:

MONTGOMERY, ALA., June 26, 1868. Whereas, by the terms of an Act of the Congress of States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, the United States, entitled an "Act to admit the Georgia, Alabama, and Florida to representation in Congress," it is provided as follows:

"That, if the day fixed for the meeting of the Legislature of either of said States, by the constitution nearly arrived before the passage of this Act, that or ordinance thereof, shall have passed, or have so there shall not be time for the Legislature to assemble at the period fixed, such Legislature shall convene at the end of twenty days from the time this Act takes effect, unless the Governor shall sooner convene the

same.'

Now, therefore, I, William H. Smith, Governorelect for the State of Alabama, by the power and authority in me vested by said Act of Congress, do hereby convene the Legislature of this State at tho capitol, at the hour of 12 M., Monday, July 13, 1863.

W. H. SMITH, Governor-elect.

The Legislature accordingly assembled on

July 13th. Of the 84 members comprising the House, 26 were blacks. Mr. J. Carraway (colThe following message from the Governor was ored) was elected Speaker of the lower House. read in the Senate:

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numbered 100, in regard to organizing the General Assembly of this State. A duly verified copy of the order is herewith communicated for your information. W. H. SMITH, Prov'l Gov'r of Alabama.

General Orders, No. 100. HEADQUARTERS THIRD MILITARY DISTRICT, DEPARTMENT OF GEORGIA, FLORIDA, AND ALABAMA, ATLANTA, GA., July 9, 1868.

Whereas, by virtue of the Act of Congress, which became a law June 25, 1868, and of the proclamation of the Governor-elect of the State of Alabama, issued in conformity therewith, the two Houses of the Legislature are directed to assemble at Montgomery on the 13th instant; and

Whereas, in view of the fact that until the State of Alabama has complied with the requirements of the acts of Congress entitling it to representation, all governmental officers in said State are provisional and subject to the direct authority of the district

commander; and

Whereas, The usual hope of organizing legislative bodies is in this instance impracticable:

It is ordered-1. That the Hon. William H. Smith, Provisional Governor of the State of Alabama, proceed at 12 M., on the 13th instant, to effect such preliminary organization of both Houses of the Legislature as will enable the same to enter on the discharge of the duties assigned them by law. 2. That before each House shall be considered legally organized, the Provisional Governor will require that, in conformity with the reconstruction acts and act which became a law June 25, 1868, each House, before proceeding to any business beyond organization, shall take measures to purge itself of all members who may be disqualified from holding office under the provisions of Section 3, an amendment to the Constitution known as Article 14.

By order of Major-General MEADE. R. C. DRUM, Assistant Adjutant-General. The president then informed the Senate that they, having complied with the requirements of Congress, were vested with full authority

to transact the civil business.

In the House and Senate a resolution was adopted ratifying the 14th Article of Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, and also another, ratifying the resolutions of the Thirty-eighth Congress abolishing slavery.

The Governor, W. H. Smith, in his message strongly recommended the removal of all disabilities from the people of Alabama, and opposed any disfranchisement except for crime. He urged the necessity of a sound and thorough common-school system of education, stating that 37,600 of the adult white population of Alabama, in 1860, could neither read nor write, and that the colored people were still more deficient. He recommended the development of the agricultural and industrial interests of Alabama. Not having reports from the institutions of the State, he could not state their condition, or the details of the financial affairs of the Treasury. "In conclusion, gentlemen," he said, "you will pardon me for again reminding you that you have assembled to legislate in the interest of the whole people. Knowing you as I do, and judging of your motives by what I know of my own, I am assured that you will perform your duty in no bitter or partisan spirit, and that your acts will one and all promote the prosperity and welfare of every citizen."

The direction of affairs in the State was now turned over to the new civil authorities

by General Meade, in the following order, issued on July 14th:

Whereas, Official information has been received at these headquarters from the Governor-elect of the State of Alabama, that the Legislature of said State, elected under the provisions of General Order No. 101, series of 1867, from these headquarters, has assembled and complied with the requisitions of the Act of Congress, which became a law June 25, 1868, entitled an Act to admit the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida to representation in Congress;" and whereas, said act states that, on compliance with the conditions therein set forth by any State, the officers of said State, duly elected and qualified under the constitution thereof, shall be inaugurated without delay, it is therefore ordered:

1. That all civil officers holding office in the State, whether by military appointment or by failure to have successors qualified, shall promptly yield their offices and turn over to their properly elected and qualified successors all public property, archives, books, records, etc., belonging to the same.

2. Whenever the military commander of the subDistrict of Alabama, is officially notified of the inauguration of the State government elect, military authority under the Acts of Congress, known as the Reconstruction Laws, will be at an end in said State; and it is the duty of the sub-District commander to transfer every thing appertaining to the government of said State to the proper civil officers, and to abstain in future, upon any pretext whatever, from any interference with or control over the civil authorities of the State, or the persons and property of the citizens thereof.

8. On the inauguration of the civil government, all prisoners held in custody or by bonds for offences against the civil law will be turned over to the proper civil authority. In the mean time writs of habeas corobeyed and the decisions conformed to. pus from United States Courts will be respectfully from State courts will have respectful returns made, stating prisoners are held by authority of the United States, and can only be released by writs issued by United States Courts.

Writs

By order of Major-General MEADE. R. C. DRUM, Assistant Adjutant-General.

The following is an extract from an order of General Meade's defining the military jurisdic

tion:

The several States comprising this military district, having by solemn acts of their Assemblies conformed to the requisitions of the acts of Congress which became a law June 25, 1868, and civil government having been inaugurated in each, the military power vested in the district commander by the Reconstruction Laws, by the provisions of these laws these headquarters, and bearing upon the rights of ceases to exist; and hereafter all orders issued from persons and property, will have in the several States of Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, only such force as may be given to them by the courts and Legislatures of the respective States.

The late Secretary of State, Micah Taul, and the Attorney-General, John W. A. Sandford, protested against this order on the ground that, if Alabama was entitled to representation in Congress, it was because she was a member of the Union. Among the reserved rights of States was the power in each State to ordain and establish a constitution for itself and laws for its domestic government. The people of the State of Alabama rejected the constitution

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