of the first parallel in siege operations is eight hours, and the sectional proportions are much less than those described as constituting the Gallic lines.

There is a strange and curious resemblance between these events, so contrary to the accustomed fortune of Cæsar, and the disasters, still so fresh in our memories, which befell the British forces in Cabul. There again was an army suddenly surrounded in their winter cantonments by the insurgent population of the country. There was the hostile leader, under the mask of friendship, and acting with consummate duplicity, enticing an irresolute commander from his entrenchments, and thus leading him and his troops to utter destruction. The murder of the unfortunate Macnaghten, during a parley, is the exact counterpart of the massacre of Sabinus; while the gallant Sale and the "illustrious garrison" of Jellalabad equalled or surpassed the intrepidity of Cicero and his legion at Mons; nor is it too much to say that the spirit and vigour of Cæsar breathed again in the breast of the heroic Nott.

The Gaul, with the letter concealed in his javelin, reached head-quarters at Breteuil about five o'clock in the afternoon. Cæsar instantly ordered up Marcus Crassus from Beauvais, twenty-five miles off; another messenger was despatched with commands to Fabius to advance to Arras. Labienus also was directed to march upon the Nervian territories, if he could do so without detriment to the public service. The next morning by nine o'clock Crassus was arrived, and Cæsar with one legion advanced twenty miles that day, leaving Crassus in command at Amiens. Labienus found it dangerous to retire before a large army of Treveri, encamped three miles only in front of him; but Fabius joined Cæsar on the march, and thus with a force of two legions amounting to 7,000 men he pressed forward to the relief of Cicero. In the mean time a letter to announce the approach of succours, and written in Greek characters to avoid its contents becoming discovered in the event of the enemy intercepting it, had been entrusted to the same Gaul, with orders to throw it into the Roman camp if it was found impossible to place it in Cicero's hands. The Gaul adopted the first method,

but the javelin, to which the letter was attached, remained for two days before it was perceived, sticking in one of the wooden towers of the camp. The joy which it created when read to the garrison was increased by the sight of smoke on the horizon, indicating the near approach of Cæsar, who fired the villages as he advanced. The Gauls, equally apprised of his movement, quitting Cicero, marched against him with all their forces. Cæsar, informed by a message from Cicero of their movements, took up a position on the side of a considerable valley, with a river in front of him. The Gauls were on the opposite declivity; it was impossible to cross the river and attack so formidable a body without much risk. Cæsar, affecting great apprehension, and entrenching himself in a camp of the smallest possible dimensions, succeeded in tempting the Gauls to pass the stream and approach and insult his camp, whence making a sudden sortie, he gave them a complete overthrow. It is possible the scene of the conflict was the valley of the Honelle, the stream now separating the kingdoms of France and Belgium near Quievrain. This success, followed by a victory over the Treveri obtained by Labienus, replaced the Roman forces in security, and left nothing unaccomplished except that vengeance-which Cæsar, facile and merciful in other respects, seldom failed to exact from treachery and bad faith.

The execution of this revenge constitutes the materials of the sixth book and sixth campaign of Cæsar, comprehending operations connected with the important points of Tongres and Cologne, and carrying the Roman arms for a second time beyond the Rhine. He devastated the Nervian territory without awaiting the expiration of winter, and then, after holding an assembly at Paris, which fickle city, strange to say, had declined joining the revolt, and humbling the states of Chartres and Sens, which had exhibited some signs of impatience, he opened the campaign by sweeping through Flanders, while Labienus, on the frontiers of the Rhemi (Champagne) again defeated the Treveri; and, entering the territory of that powerful people at its northern ex

tremity, he reached the Rhine at Cologne. Here, once more constructing a bridge, he passed over to the Ubians, accepting their submission; but accusing their neighbours, the Suevi, of sending auxiliaries to the Treveri, he rushed upon that tribe, who, although with them "Ne Dii quidem immortales pares esse possint," according to the estimate of their German foes, now fled before the Roman arms into their woods and wilds, and Cæsar, returning after a vain pursuit, recrossed the Rhine. While he led back his army to the Meuse, he directed Basilus, with all his cavalry, to scour the Ardennes, in the hope of capturing Ambiorix; but that prince, escaping by a miracle, fled into the marshes of the Scheldt, while Cativulcus, the other elder chieftain of the Eburones, execrating Ambiorix and his disastrous counsels with his dying breath, swallowed a decoction of yew, and expired. This circumstance has not been overlooked by Evelyn and most other writers on forest trees; but the poisonous qualities of the yew are as yet undetermined, instances have occurred of cattle dying after eating slips of yew which have been some time cut, and are become faded; but the green fresh branches may, perhaps, be swallowed with impunity, and we frequently see the lips of children abundantly stained with the juice of the berries, which are continually eaten as freely and as safely as red currants. Cæsar observes of the yew, "magna in Galliâ Germaniaque copia est.' Without pronouncing respecting other parts of the country, I may remark that among the Ardennes, the country of Cativulcus, the yew is now scarcely to be seen.

The whole Roman army, including Labienus's division, then assembled at Tongres. Cæsar left all his baggage in that fatal castle in charge of Cicero, with one legion and 200 horse, and formed the rest of his forces into three columns of three legions each. The central division under Labienus was ordered to proceed "oceanum versus,' that is, westward, into that part of the Eburonean territory touching upon the Menapii, which may be understood as adjoining the Dyle, about Louvain. The division on the left under Trebonius marched to the south,

to ravage the country in all directions about Namur. Cæsar in person led the third column to the Scheldt, into the extreme parts of the then Ardennes Forest, whither Ambiorix was reported to have betaken himself. This must have been towards Antwerp. Cæsar was aware that the garrison at Tongres was left with only seven days' provisions, and promised Cicero to return by that time, ordering Labienus and Trebonius to do the same, if they could without detriment to the public service.

The nature of the country prevented the accomplishment of anything decisive. We hear nothing further of Ambiorix. The Eburones, unapproachable by regular troops, were proclaimed a common booty, all surrounding nations were invited by messengers to invade, plunder, and destroy them, so that "stirps ac nomen civitatis tollatur." Among those who heard of the prey, and came immediately to secure a share, was a body of 2,000 Sigambrian cavalry, who crossed the Rhine thirty miles below Cæsar's Bridge, (near Dusseldorf,) and pillaged the country with the utmost fury. They inquired of their prisoners where Caesar was gone, and learnt the departure of the whole army from Tongres. "But why," said one of the captives, "do you waste your time upon a miserable and impoverished people? Tongres is within three hours of you, and there the Roman has deposited all his valuables, with a garrison scarce strong enough to mount guard." This hint was not thrown away upon the Sigambrians.

The seventh day now arrived, and Cicero, who had hitherto followed Cæsar's instructions to the letter, and suffered not a man to quit the camp, began to feel the want of supplies, and, knowing the enemy to be broken and dispersed, permitted five cohorts with numerous followers and cattle to proceed to the nearest corn-fields and cut the harvest. At this very conjuncture the Sigambrian cavalry advanced at full speed, having been concealed by trees until they had reached the very gates of the entrenchment. They almost succeeded in effecting an entrance at once, and then, spreading round the camp, cut to pieces most of the foraging party; and had it not been for the in

dividual bravery of the renowned Baculus, who was slain on this occasion, and other centurions, animated by his example, the fort would undoubtedly have been taken. The ut most consternation prevailed in the garrison, who imagined Cæsar and all his army to have perished, and all the barbarian forces let loose at once upon them. They were, besides, troubled with the recollection of the disasters which befell Sabinus and Cotta, of which the very same castle was the scene. The Germans, failing in their design of carrying it by a coup-demain, departed, with what booty they had obtained, for the Rhine; but such was the frantic terror of the Romans, that when Volusenus with an advanced guard of cavalry reached the camp in the evening, they could not be prevailed upon to believe in the safety of Cæsar until Cæsar himself arrived.

Such was the revolt of the Eburones, and such the summary punishment with which it was visited. Cæsar is more than ordinarily diffuse and anecdotical in his account of it. In this sketch of the operations, as brief a one as could be given, I have applied the events to modern geography, and will now proceed to examine the two remarkable points of Cologne and Tongres, together with the great highway known by the name of the Chaussée Brunhault, which led from those towns into Gaul; a bridge-like communication between the north and south of Europe, frequented by the various barbarous nations of remote antiquity.

I am aware of the authorities which

place the passage of the Rhine by Cæsar at some spot near Coblentz, which would have carried him over at once among his enemies the Sigambri; but Cæsar's bridge "ripas Ubiorum contingebat" (vi. 29), and, if these words were insufficient, a thorough acquaintance with all the intricate country between the Meuse and the Moselle, the mountains of the Ardennes and Eifels, would convince me that Cæsar never led an army in that direction. The great plains of Westphalia, into which those mountains sink and disappear to the north, afford a safe and natural access to the Rhine, from Tongres to Cologne, along which existed the grand route of Gaul, German, and Roman, until

the cities of Liege and Aix-la-chapelle, springing up under the Frankish monarchy, invited a new thoroughfare for their own accommodation, which has finally been adopted by modern science as the line of a railway. The presumption that Cæsar passed the Rhine near its confluence with the Moselle at Coblentz appears to be founded upon his words "firmo in Treveris præsidio ad pontem relicto," an expression perfectly intelligible, without the necessity of seeking for the Treveri so high as Coblentz. In the time of Cæsar the territory of the Treveri extended down the left bank of the Rhine as low as Cologne, but their frontiers were greatly contracted when Agrippa subsequently removed the Ubii across the river to help to fill up the void occasioned by the annihilation of the Eburones: whatever the Ubii received was so much withdrawn from the Treveri, of whom the Eburones were clients. But it is probable that the lands along the bank of the river were taken from the Treveri themselves, and were not inconsiderable; they seem to have comprised all the inore level district encircled by the higher mountains which sweep round from the neighbourhood of Düren until their precipices hang over the Rhine at Rolandseck, opposite the Drachenfels; for we learn from Tacitus that Zulpich (Tolbiacum) was within the Agrippinian or Ubian territory, and Godesberg near Bonn is by some supposed to be the “Ara Ubiorum" of the same author." The

The insulated volcanic cone crowned

with the picturesque castle of Godesberg suggests the idea of a natural altar. I received from the kindness of Professor Lersch at Bonn the following obliging answer to an inquiry respecting the Ara Ubiorum:-" Quæ vulgo vocatur Ara Ubiorum (DEAE VICTORIAE SACRVM) non inventa est Godesbergæ, sed fortasse in prætorio vel curia Coloniæ Agrippinæ stetit. Contra in Monte Wodani ceu Guodani hæc est inventa inscriptio: FOR

TVNIS. SALVTARIBVS. AESCVLAPIO. HYG Q. VENIDIVS, RVF. MARIVS. MAXIMVS. L. CALVINIANVS. LEG. LEG. I. M.1. LEG. AVG. PR. PR. PROVINC.

GERM. (INF. D. D.). Cf. librum meum Central mus. Rheinländischer Inschriften. Bonnæ, 1840, ii. 18. et Grotefend, in Götting. gel. anz. 1841, p. 84, qui hunc Venidium Toλvávvμov esse rectè vidit,

Treveri in the time of Agrippa had been scarcely reduced under the yoke of the Romans, and had previously exhibited a determined hostility to those conquerors. It was of some importance therefore to get the friendly clan of the Ubians established as guardians of the important post of Cologne, nor were the Ubians averse to their change of position, as both Strabo and Tacitus inform us-for they were continually harassed while on their eastern bank by the formidable Suevi on one side, and on the other by the "cæde gaudentes Sigambri." This latter people have left traces of their original position in the name of the river Sieg, and in the conspicuous acropolis of Siegburg, opposite Bonn. Had Cæsar when he attacked them on his first passage of the Rhine crossed that river at Weissenthurm, opposite Neuwied, as has been asserted, he would unquestionably have marched direct "in fines Sigambrorum,” but he would have been very wide of the Ubii, into whose territory his bridge extended. The Ubii ever continued faithful to the cause of the empire, and in their new position not only gloried in their fidelity, but affected to consider themselves Romans. They were in fact the principal safeguard of the military province of Second or Lower Germany, besides being the point at which for the most part all merchants and travellers crossed the Rhine. The river is here about 430 yards in width, as I measured it in the month of August, about which time of the year Cæsar twice constructed his bridge, as more suitable to the dignity of the Republic than any other mode of transit. The stream, always rapid and violent, alters its depth according to seasons and weathers, in such extremes that it varied from three to thirty feet in the course of one month, February, 1845. A bridge built by

Colebantur igitur, si hæc inscriptio revera Godesbergæ inventa est, ibi Fortunæ salutares, Esculapius et Hygia." The hill itself would seem to derive its name from Wodan, which sounds like the celebrated Teutonic divinity, and carries

our thoughts back to the kindred height of Wodnesborough, in Kent, near which the descendant of Woden, Hengist, led the Saxons to their first descent upon Britain.

Constantine continued to exist down to the middle of the 10th century, when it was destroyed during the wars between the Emperor Otho and his brother the Archbishop. However, all historical remarks on Cologne are superfluous; they are sufficiently fa miliar to everybody, and all that is needed here is to point it out as the position of Cæsar's Bridge, and the terminus of the great road leading through Gaul, of which Tongres constituted the other and equally important station. These two fortresses, well appointed, were considered sufficient for the defence of the province. "Secunda Germania," says Ammianus Marcellinus, "Agrippina et Tungris munita, civitatibus amplis et copiosis." Cologne had the charge also of the military road that followed the bank of the Rhine; Tongres defended another, leading up from the branch of that river which unites with the Meuse, and was thus placed at the union of two most ancient and memorable pathways trodden by almost all the emigrations from the northern hive,the founders of nations, or subverters of empires.

Without entering upon the wide field of German ethnography, we may collect a few scattered beams of historic light which shine upon the Cimbri, and the last rays will be found to fall upon Tongres. The Cimmerians, after their exploits in Asia Minor, and in the east of Europe, are traceable to the shores of the German Ocean, and thence across the "hazy waters" to the mountains of Cumbria and Cambria, where their "immania corpora" may yet be visible in the wrestlers and lifeguardsmen who come from Lancashire and Cumberland. The more celebrated portion of the nation was that which gave such alarm to Rome at the close of the second century before our era, when "actum erat," as Florus says, "nisi Marius illi seculo contigisset." We know from Cæsar (ii. 29) that when this people entered Gaul and marched to the southward they left a detachment amounting, together with their Teutonic allies, to 6,000 men, in charge of whatever baggage the main army had found too inconvenient to carry with them. This garrison was left in the post of Aduatuca, and there continued to exist and increase long

after the rest of their countrymen had been annihilated by Marius on the plains of Lombardy, to the extreme annoyance of their Gallic neighbours, with whom they were engaged in ceaseless feuds; at length, coming to terms, they consented to resign their offensive position at Aduatuca, Tongres, in exchange for a fresh domicile, Namur ; but they carried their old name with them, and are always mentioned by Cæsar as Aduatuci. They seem to have lost or rejected the ill-omened name of Cimbri, but were unquestionably the descendants of that horde, and appear from Cæsar's account to have lost nothing of the bulk and insolence for which their ancestors were notorious in the days of Marius. These are the first people we find in possession of Tongres the natural advantages of the position may have induced anterior barbarians to select it, but of them we know nothing, except that the Cimbri seem to have wrested it from the Eburones, and upon the extinction of that tribe "Thoringi, Bápßapot," as Procopius (B. G. i. 12) informs us, concessam sibi ab Augusto Cæsare regionem colebant," and Aduatuca became Aduatuca Tungrorum. The etymology of Aduatuca according to M. Bullet (Mémoires sur la Langue Celtique, i. 278), is adwytès, "qui a essuyé des maux, ou qui en cause." This is probably fanciful; but Tongres, most melancholy in its appearance, is not less so in its histories, perpetually suffering from war, and exchanged by the conquerors with as much indifference as if it was a current coin. Of all its vicissitudes perhaps the most recent are the most curious. In 1815 it was transferred by the Britons to the Batavians in exchange for a territory at the southern extremity of Africa; but soon after the Britons and Gauls united to compel the Batavians to resign it to the Belgæ.

The interest attached to the scene of the disasters of Cæsar's cohorts, as well as a desire to examine the natural features of a place considered so important for so many ages, induced me to visit Tongres on the 2d of November, 1845. After an ascent from the valley of the Meuse at Liege, and a tedious drive along the broad straight pavée, over a high table-land, open, undulated, and cultivated, we began

to reach the valley of the Jaar, which is choked up with poplars, completely altering the aspect of the country. The Jaar itself is a respectable little stream, somewhat less sluggish than is usual with rivers on this side of the Meuse. After crossing it, we entered Tongres by a modern gate at its southern angle, and, quitting the carriage, walked up the rampart towards the Porte de St. Trond. The town is a parallelogram, sloping towards the river, in accordance with the usual style of Roman castrametation. There is a wide foss, and on the vallum modern walls rise upon a substruction of Roman work. Altogether, Tongres has preserved more of the symmetry and masonry of the Roman period than any town perhaps nearer than Treves. At the Porte de St. Trond we came upon the Chaussée Brunhault. Here it enters the town, serving for a short distance as the approach from St. Trond. This gate must have been the Porta Decumana, by which the 2,000 Sigambrian cavalry so nearly penetrated the camp. While standing on the walls here and looking over the country, we noticed as the most striking feature a fine line of beech trees on the highest part of the ground, on the right of the St. Trond road, as we then beheld them, reminding us of the appearance of the wooded Roman camp at Amesbury, in Wiltshire. We could perceive that these trees stood upon a somewhat precipitous bank, but we did not suspect its being what we soon found it a mound raised by human hands,-although, even at a distance, it had rather an artificial appearance.

Proceeding in an excursion along the old chaussée, we noticed and examined on our left the remains of ancient walls, very thick, and composed of flints, probably from the calcareous formations of Maestricht, united with strong cement, evidently Roman. Further on, the old road passes between two enormous tumuli, each about 140 or 150 yards in circumference, and proportionally high. They do not appear to have been examined. Many barrows of this description rise very conspicuously in various directions about this champaign country, particularly in the vicinity of the Chaussée Brunhault.

Among various ancient relics which