spirit, derived from their Norwegian ancestors, which made them the discoverers of Greenland if not of America;-of that wisdom which methodized in their government all the best parts of the Scandinavian institutions ;-and of the learning, poetry and romance, which not merely lighted their own native land, but diffused itself into the darkness then overhanging all European nations. Other times followed (and the 15th century may especially be noted), during which a series of physical calamitiespestilences, famines, earthquakes, and seasons rendered more inclement by the fixed accumulation of ice on the Greenland coast-clouded over the earlier and happier fortunes of Iceland. Under these afflictions more than half the population perished, and the remainder sank for a long period into a state of apathy and neglect. Yet the spirit of the olden time was not wholly gone. In sequel to the revival of learning in Europe, that of Iceland rose again; and the printing press found a site and occupation even on this desolate island. During the last century the literary activity of the Icelanders has never paused. We have no space left for details; but may mention, in proof of what we say, that there are now lying before us translations from Theocritus, Horace, Milton, and Pope;-an Annual Register (Minnisverd Tidindi) for 1796, in which we find record of the speeches of Pitt and Fox ;-a catalogue of a dozen philological works, with several lexicons ;-other copious catalogues of astronomical and metaphysical works, including treatises "De Infinito' and 'De Nihilo,' which might well furnish texts for the Hegelian philosophy of our own day ;- and a schedule of examinations at the public school of Bessestad which would not disgrace any college in Europe.*

*

Though unwilling to quit this curious topic, we must hasten to do so. We have probably said enough to lead the traveller, even if visiting Iceland for scientific objects only, to devote some attention to what is perhaps the most singular contrast anywhere existing between the physical and mental conditions of a human community. It is fair to add that he must himself bring intelligence enough duly to observe and appreciate this remarkable anomaly.

* These catalogues, and other interesting facts regarding the literature of Iceland, early and recent, will be found in two chapters by Sir H. Holland, published in Sir G. Mackenzie's volume. The most recent notice of the literature of Iceland as far back as the tenth century is to be found in Mr. Dasent's version of the Icelandic 'Story of Burnt Njal,' just published, with an interesting introduction by that accomplished philologer.

ART. X.

1. Letters from the Slave States. By JAMES STIRLING. 1 vol. 8vo. London: 1857.

STED.

2. Travels in the Slave States. By FREDERICK LAW OLM2 vols. New York and London: 1857, 1860. 3. The Great American Revolution of 1861. A Speech delivered by the Hon. C. L. VALLANDIGHAM, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, February 20, 1861. Washington:

1861.

4. A Disquisition on Government and a Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States. By JOHN CALHOUN. Edited by RICHARD K. CRALLE. New York: 1853.

THERE are at present four countries which stand at the head of the civilised world, and whose influence principally determines the march of modern civilisation. Those four countries are France, Germany, England, and the United States. Russia, though a powerful military State, with an enormous territory, is still semi-oriental in its character. It has no science or literature, and little foreign trade; its language ranks among the barbarous dialects which no stranger voluntarily learns; its influence, which is chiefly of a coercive and deadening nature, is confined to its own population. The emancipation of the serfs-a great measure, now, we may hope, accomplished by the firmness and sincerity of the Emperor,may, in its consequences, alter the position of Russia with respect to the civilised world. Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, and the Scandinavian kingdoms, though they contain an enlightened and intelligent population, do not fill an important place in European progress; they contribute to it, however, by desultory and unconnected efforts. Italy and Spain, the head-quarters of that form of religion which, looking at its political and intellectual effects, we may denominate Mahometan Christianity, have, under its paralysing influence, lost the position which they formerly occupied in Europe. Their importance, both literary and political, has ceased; they are interesting chiefly from their historical associations. To use a modern metaphor, they are shunted into the sidings of civilisation, while the express trains of more vigorous nations sweep by, and pass them unregarded. Spain, indeed, has begun lately to develope some material wealth;

and we hope that the Italian revolution,—not having been conducted hitherto in a revolutionary spirit - may, through the wisdom and moderation of its leaders, be destined to combine Italy into one kingdom, to avert foreign interference, and thus to consolidate an independent native government, which will give free scope to the inherent, but suspended powers of Italian genius. With regard to the kingdom of Greece, whatever may be its future destinies, its emancipation from the barbarising effects of a long-continued Turkish dominion is too recent to admit of its holding any prominent place in European civilisation for the present.

Such being the nations which hold the primacy of the civilised world, anything which shakes the United States to its centre, and which threatens to change its internal policy and its relations with foreign governments, is an event of first-rate importance. Such an event has come to pass. The disruption" of the United States is, if not consummated, at least highly probable, and indeed appears almost inevitable. Even the most sanguine Federalists scarcely venture to say more than that they hope for a reconstruction of the Union upon a new basis, after a temporary separation of its component parts. Seven Southern States have formally seceded from the Union, and have formed a provisional confederacy, constituted upon the model of the old United States: they have elected a President and Vice-president, and by their appointed organs have used language and adopted measures, which seem to commit them irrevocably to separation and independence, and to cut off all possibility of voluntary retreat.

The causes of the secession of the Southern States are deepseated. The discord between the North and South has for some time been patent, and has exhibited itself in various forms; and many fears have been expressed that the American Union would lose its cohesion. But it must be confessed that the late secession, at the moment when it took place, was a surprise, both to the United States and to Europe. In September and October last, at the time of the visit of the Prince of Wales, nobody expected that within half a year a new confederacy, with a President of its own, would be formed out of the existing States. Practically this event was no more anticipated than a hurricane or the eruption of a volcano. Now that it has occurred we can account for it; but it is important to a true estimate of political sagacity, that we should acknowledge the event to have occurred without being expected.

We are inclined to think that all the great events of history those which have exercised the widest and most lasting

effects have taken the world by surprise. This was eminently the case with the French Revolution of 1789. The old monarchy of France was believed, both at home and abroad, to rest on an immoveable foundation. After the revolution had occurred, and the ancient government and society of France had been broken up, people found some neglected passages in different books, which appeared to predict great political changes. But those few Cassandra-like voices did not prevent the subjects of Louis XVI. from believing as confidently in the permanence of the French monarchical system, as the subjects of Louis XIV. It may be said without exaggeration, that the French Revolution of 1789 was not anticipated more than the Lisbon earthquake of 1755. Nevertheless, those who look back upon that mighty change can see that its causes were laid deeply in the political and social state of France.

Men are so much the creatures of impulse, passion, and imagination; they will bear so much in patience when their mere interests are concerned; that political and social grievances may continue for a long time without leading to active measures for their redress, unless some accident occurs which rouses the simultaneous energy of numbers, and produces a sudden conflagration. Hence the immediate occasions of great political events are generally small; the real causes of such events lie below the surface, and not unfrequently escape the most acute discernment, until they are laid bare by their consequences.

One of the small events which seem destined to bring about great results is the election of President Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln is not himself an important man. Until the recent contest for the Presidency, he was little known as a politician; in a country where public speaking is one of the chief avenues to power, he does not aspire to oratorical fame. His choice was the result of a compromise among the different sections of the Republican party. He was not originally a candidate; but was thrown to the top, as it were accidentally, during the canvass. Nor can it be said that the office to which he has been elected is calculated to excite alarm by its powers. It is true that the President can choose his own ministers, and that he can keep them in office for four years, in defiance of the House of Representatives; but he has little influence over the federal legislation; his influence over foreign relations is limited by the Senate; his power over the executive is principally confined to the Customs, Post-office, and Federal Treasury; the military and naval forces at his disposal are extremely small; and the state governments, both as to legislative and executive functions, lie completely beyond his reach. Why then was it that

the election of President Lincoln was the signal for secession in the Southern States? How came it that this event was the spark which fired the train, and caused the mine to explode?

We conceive the answer to this question to be found in the fact that the President, whether his powers be great or small, is the chief magistrate; that he is the head of the state; that, moreover, he is virtually chosen directly by the votes of the entire population; and that, therefore, he appears to embody the national will, and to be the national exponent of the political principle upon which his election turns. Now it cannot be denied that the election of Mr. Lincoln turned upon the view of the slavery question entertained by the Republican party of the North. The cotton States of the South viewed his return as a national declaration against their view of this vital question. Their fears were excited, their animosity was roused; they regarded the election as an open declaration of war against their property;' and South Carolina, the former leader in the nullification struggle, the most impetuous and passionate, though not the most powerful and important, of the Southern States, took the lead in declaring for secession.

Although this proceeding of the Southern States may not have been purely rational, we must admit that it was not unnatural. The election of Lincoln may not have been a sufficient provocation to a philosopher, or even to a prudent statesman; but we cannot be surprised that an average planter should take alarm at a national anti-slavery demonstration. The true lesson which this event seems to us to teach, is, not the folly of the multitude in the Southern States, but the danger of an election of the chief magistrate by the simultaneous votes of the entire population, and of his consequent identification with some disputed principle, or with some political party. In France, this mode of electing the chief magistrate has destroyed the liberties of the country, by facilitating the conversion of a President into an Emperor. The élu de cinq millions' seemed to hold his office by a stronger popular tenure than the Chamber itself, and could appeal to the principle of popular sovereignty in re-enacting the eighteenth of Brumaire. In America, the solemn declaration of national opinion involved in a presidential election has so worked upon the passions and imagination of the defeated party, that they have sought safety in secession. It may be true that a small number of persons, who have occupied high places, have for several years past been contriving means for a disruption of the Union. But without some event which gave a sudden and simultaneous impulse to the mind of the South, they might have continued