tish empire; he then turned to the defence of the adminiftration of his friends, with whom he faid he had begun his political career, and with whom he has continued to act, and to think ever fince. He entered minutely into their fituation at the time of the repeal of the ftamp act, which gave occafion to the introduction of many curious and interefting anecdotes.

By an exact detail of facts, not queftioned by any body who spoke in the debate, he proved invincibly his queftion, that the adminiftration of the Marquis of Rockingham was by far the most confiftent, judicious, firm, and refolute, that this nation has feen for many years, notwithstanding the indefatigable induftry of hired libellers, whisperers, and every kind of railers, to propagate the contrary opinion.

He admitted that his party were, and are ftill, timid and fearful of throwing this empire into the calamities of a civil war, but that whilft they had power they manfully refifted the influence under which all others had bowed; they had ftrengthened, instead of impaired the liberty of their country, and had fteadily maintained her peace at home, and her reputation abroad. That however careful of their country, they had none of the little cares of themfelves, and had no fears for lofs of place or emolument.

His next object was to fhew the falfhood and futility of that affertion, that the repeal of the Stamp-Act had produced the difturbances in America. This he did in the most fatisfactory manner, by an accumulation of dates, records, and authorities, of all forts.

He fhewed that America had been inflamed by taxes, quieted by their repeal, and inflamed again by being taxed again. He proved by facts, that whenever we have given way, on the point immediately in litigation, America has, on her fide, had no retrospect, nor difputed captiously the payment of any old ftanding taxes. But when we have impofed new taxes, he has conftantly disputed the old; and when we have puthed matters to extremity, fhe has difputed every thing.

This led him to go to the bottom of the evil, by laying open the whole policy of this kingdom with regard to the colonies, which he deduced from their first fettlement to the commencement of the prefent reign. In this part, he fhewed a profound knowledge of that capital concern. At the period of the peace, he entered largely into the causes of the deviation from the antient uniform fyftem of colony government, and the confequences of that deviation.

This led him into a detached examination of the characters of the feveral minifters, who had conducted affairs fince America had engroffed the attention of government; and as the characters of men must have influence on their conduct, he drew at large the pictures of George Grenville, Charles Town

fhend, and Lord Chatham. He concluded with a most pathetic exhortation to a change of measures with refpect to the colonies.

Mr. C. Fox faid, Let us confider what is the state America appears in to this country; as ufeful fubjects, if you use them with that temper and lenity which you ought to do. When the Stamp Act was repealed, murmurs ceafed, and quiet fucceeded. Taxes have produced a contrary behaviour; they have been fucceeded by riots and difturbances. Here is an abfolute dereliction of the authority of this country. It has been faid that America is not reprefented here but virtually; the Americans are fuli as virtually taxed, as virtually reprefented. A tax can only be laid for three purposes; the firft for a commercial regulation, the fecond for a revenue, and the third for afferting your right. As to the two first, it has clearly been denied it is for neither as to the latter, it is only done with a view to irritate and declare war there, which, if you perfift in, I am clear of opinion you will effect, or force into open rebellion.

Lord Beauchamp. Sir, I fhould not intrude at this late hour of the night, did I not wish to express my thoughts, that the Americans are not contending for the mode of taxation, but the right. Some years ago when this act was paffed, combinations took place, in order to oppofe that authority which you wish to exert. Measures are now adopted to induce them to confent to this act, not by force, but by means which I hope will bring them to a fenfe of their duty. Had this repeal been propofed fome feffions ago, I fhould moft probably have adopted it; but the prefent difturbances in America totally prevent my giving my confent to it. I think it impracticable to repeal it, because we give up our right; and there may be times when the neceffity of fupplying the exigencies of this country may demand that aid, and therefore I would exert our authority now by a practicable claim of right, which I hope will not hereafter be difputed.

Mr. T. Townshend. Sir, I wish much to go into a committee upon this occafion, because the tea-duty, as an object of revenue, is unworthy your confideration, and it is an object which, when once removed from the Americans, will give eafe and fatisfaction to their minds; and it is preferved by you merely to keep up a continual conteft. I will not go back to the ground of arguments which has been fo often trod, and which I wish had not been brought forth as the ground of former proceedings, 'mixing them with the prefent. I fhall look upon this committee (if granted) as the prelude to that peace and quietneis which you want to restore to America, and fhall therefore give my hearty affirmative.

Lord Clare. Every man who has spoke on this occafion, prudently has avoided going inte

into any thing that gave rife to the original taxation. I am forry to find that there is even a negative voice against continuing this tax; but as I find there is a diffention upon the occafion, it will give room to the Americans to say that the queftion was much debated, and far from being unanimous; they will, upon that account, hold refiftance to the measure to be a good ground for fome time or other producing a repeal, I could have wifhed to have feen the House nearly unanimous against the motion, as I am afraid our differences here will countenance refiftance there. What, Sir, would they have us furrender the right of Great Britain? It is impoffible, in the nature of things, to carry this queftion; and inftead of my honourable friend (Mr. Fuller) wifhing to restore peace and quietude, he will find that he is whetting his fword that it may cut with a keener edge.

Mr. Buller. Sir, I would treat the Americans as fubjects to Great-Britain, and think them liable to be taxed as well as any others. I am afraid that the effect of all thefe difturbances has been owing to a change of measures in this country. I think a repeal of this act will have a bad effect, and you will not know where it will end.

Mr. Frederick Montague. Sir, I feel a ftrong inclination to trouble the House on this occafion. There must be one fupreme right of taxing I allow, but I think it inexpedient at prefent to exercise it, and the only proper way of taxing of America is through the medium of commerce, and not by hard money. If this motion is rejected, I do not think it will carry the appearance as if we meant to be pacific.

Col. Barre. I have spoken, Sir, fully on this affair, in what I have faid at different times before, and it is impoffible to tread the fame ground, and to make it pleasant to the fame hearers. It has been faid that millions have been collected from this country for the ufe of America, but it ought to be confidered, that the ftroke of war has been given in many of his majesty's dominions, fometimes neceffary in one, fometimes in another, and whereever an injury has been firuck, there -Great-Britain refents it. This tax has been faid to be not a fruitful one; I think it a very fruitful one, for it has produced riots and disturbances; it has been refifted, it has done its duty, let us difmifs it. I have been much

quoted for requifitions; if you will make them with fome addrefs, they will comply. I have been alfo quoted for the olive branch; I tay, you have let flip feveral millions in the Eaft, and now look for a revenue from a peppercorn in the Weft. This you will have to lay to your charge, that you will whet your fwords in the bowels of your own fubjects, and maffacre many of your fellow-creatures, who do not know under what conftitution of government they live, by enforcing this tax. You will at laft refort to that romantic idea of requifition. The Houfe was very noisy, and not giving much attention to him, prevented him from fpeaking, as he had ufually done,

Lord North faid, he was afhamed to take up the time of the Houfe at that late hour of the night, and more fo, as what he had to fay chiefly related to himself. He gave an account of the letter which Mr. Burke had read from Lord Hillsborough to the Americans, and ftated the matter of its contents in the best light he could. His Lordship faid, this letter of conceffion was far from quieting the minds of the Americans; that they were guilty of all riots and difturbances; that the non-importation agreement was as impudent and futile a meafure as ever exifted; and faid, he was glad he did not, at that time, propofe the repeal of that tax, when all the refolutions of the town-meetings denied the authority of this country. Nothing but wifdom on our fide, and prudence on theirs, can bring them to a better temper. The tea tax is not an inconfiderable revenue. Convince your colonies that you are able, and not afraid to controul them, and depend upon it, obedience in them will be the result of your deliberation; and let us conduct ourfelves with firmnefs and refolution throughout the whole of these measures, and there is not the leaft doubt but peace and quietude will foon be restored.

Mr. Dowdeswell. I wish the noble lord would confider what will be the refult of these measures. I apprehend the confequences will be dangerous. We are now in great difficulties; let us refolve to do justice, before it is too late.

The House, at about twenty minutes paft eleven o'clock, divided upon the question, whether a committee fhould be appointed; ayes, 49; noes, 183.

(To be continued.)

obligations. I do believe that he had a very ferious defire to benefit the public. But with no fmall ftudy of

the

the detail, he did not feem to have his view, at leaft equally, carried to the total circuit of its affairs. He generally confidered his objects in lights that were rather too detached. Whether the business of an American revenue was impofed upon him altogether; whether it was entirely the refult of his own fpeculation: or what is more probable, that his own ideas rather coincided with the inftructions he had received; certain it is, that, with the best intentions in the world, he first brought this fatal scheme into form, and established it by act of parliament.

No man can believe, that at this time of day, I mean to lean on the venerable memory of a great man, whofe lofs we deplore in common. Our little party differences have been long ago compofed; and I have acted more with him, and certainly with more pleasure with him, than ever I acted against him. Undoubtedly Mr. Grenville was a first-rate figure in this country. With a mafculine understanding, and a ftout and refolute heart, he had an application undiffipated and unwearied. He took public bufinefs, not as a duty which he was to fulfil, but as a pleasure he was to enjoy; and he feemed to have no delight out of this Houfe, except in fuch things as fome way related to the bufinefs that was to be done within it. If he was ambitious, I will fay this for him, his ambition was of a noble and generous ftrain. It was to raife himself, not by the low pimping politics of a court, but to win his way to power, through the laborious gradations of public fervice; and to fecure to himfelf a wellearned rank in parliament, by a tho rough knowledge of its conftitution, and a perfect practice in all its bufinefs.

Sir, if fuch a man fell into errors, it must be from defects not intrinfical; they must be rather fought in the particular habits of his life; which, tho' they do not alter the ground-work of character, yet tinge it with their own hue. He was bred in a profeffion. He was bred to the law, which is, in my opinion, one of the first and nobleft of human fciences; a fcience which does more to quicken and invigorate the understanding, than all the other kinds of learning put together; but

it is not apt, except in perfons very happily born, to open and to liberalize the mind exactly in the fame proportion. Paffing from that study he did not go very largely into the world, but plunged into business; I mean into the bufinefs of office, and the limited and fixed methods and forms etablished there. Much knowledge is to be had undoubtedly in that line; and there is no knowledge which is not valuable. But it may be truly faid, that men too much converfant in office, are rarely minds of remarkable enlargement. Their habits of office are apt to give them a turn to think the fubftance of business not to be much more important than the forms in which it is conducted. Thefe forms are adapted to ordinary occafions; and therefore perfons who are nurtured in office do admirably well, as long as things go on in their common order; but when the high roads are broken up, and the waters out, when a new and troubled scene is opened, and the file affords no precedent, then it is that a greater knowledge of mankind, and a far more extenfive comprehenfion of things, is requifite than ever office gave, or than office can ever give. Mr. Grenville thought better of the wisdom and power of human legislation than in truth it deferves. He conceived, and many conceived along with him, that the flourishing trade of this country was greatly owing to law and inftitution, and not quite fo much to liberty; for but too many are apt to believe regulation to be commerce, and taxes to be revenue.

Perhaps this great perfon turned his eye fomewhat less than was just, towards the incredible increase of the fair trade; and looked with fomething of too exquifite a jealousy towards the contraband. He certainly felt a fingular degree of anxiety on the fubject; and even began to act from that paffion earlier than is commonly imagined. For whilft he was first lord of the admiralty, though not strictly called upon in his official line, he prefented a very firong memorial to the lords of the treafury; (my lord Bute was then at the head of the board) heavily complaining of the growth of the illicit commerce in America. Some mifchief happened even at that

4

time

time from this over-earneft zeal. Much greater happened afterwards when it operated with greater power in the highest department of the finances. The bonds of the act of navigation were ftreightened fo much, that America was on the point of having no trade, either contraband or legitimate They found, under the conftruction and execution then used, the act no longer tying but actually ftrangling them. All this coming with new enumerations of commodities; with regulations which in a manner put a stop to the mutual coafting intercourse of the colonies; with the ap pointment of courts of admiralty under various improper circumftances; with a fudden extinction of the paper currencies; with a compulfory provifion for the quartering of foldiers, the people of America thought them felves proceeded against as delinquents, or at beit as people under fufpicion of delinquency; and in fuch a manner, as they imagined, their recent fervices in the war did not at all merit. Any of these innumerable regulations, perhaps, would not have alarmed alone; fome might be thought reasonable; the multitude ftruck them with terror.

LORD ROCKINGHAM.

I saw in that noble perfon, fuch found principles, fuch an enlargement of mind, fuch a clear and faga. cious fenfe, and fuch unfhaken fortitude, as have bound me, as well as others much better than me, by an inviolable attachment to him from that time forward. Sir, Lord Rockingham very early in that fummer received a ftrong reprefentation from many weighty English merchants and manufacturers, from governors of provinces and commanders of men of war, against almoft the whole of the American commercial regulations: and particularly with regard to the total rain which was threatened to the Spanich trade. I believe, Sir, the noble lord foon faw his way in this bufinefs. But he did not rafhly determine a gainft acts which it might be fuppofed were the refult of much deliberation. However, Sir, he fcarcely begun to open the ground, when the whole ve

Feb. 1775

teran body of office took the alarm. A violent outcry of all (except those who knew and felt the mifchief) was raifedagainst any alteration. On one hand, his attempt was a direct violation of treaties and public law. On the other, the act of navigation and all the corps of trade laws were drawn up in array against it.

The firft ftep the noble lord took, was to have the opinion of his excellent, learned, and ever lamented friend the late Mr. Yorke, then attorney general, on the point of law. When he knew that formally and of ficially, which in fubftance he had known before, he immediately dif patched orders to redress the grievance. But I will fay it for the then minifter, he is of that conftitution of mind, that I know he would have issued, on the fame critical occafion, the very fame orders, if the acts of trade had been, as they were not, directly against him; and would have chearfully fubmitted to the equity of parliament for his indemnity.

When the total repeal was adopted, and adopted on principles of policy, of equity, and of commerce; this plan made it neceffary to enter into many and difficult meafures. It became neceflary to open a very large field of evidence commenfurate to thefe extenfive views. But then this labour did knights fervice. It opened the eyes of feveral to the true ftate of the American affairs; it enlarged their ideas; it removed prejudices; and it conciliated the opinions and affections of men. The noble Lord, who then took the lead in administration, my hon. friend, Mr. Dowdeswell, under me, and a right hon. gentleman, General Conway (if he will not reject his fhare, and it was a large one of this bufinefs) exerted the moit laudable industry in bringing before you the fullest, most impartial, and leafgarbled body of evidence that ever was produced to this House. I think the enquiry lafted in the committee for fix weeks: and, at its conclufion, this Houfe, by an independent, noble, fpirited, and unexpected majority; by a majority that will redeem all the acts ever done by majorities in parliament; in the teeth of all the old mercenary fwifs of state,

in

in defpite of all the fpeculators and augurs of political events, in defiance of the whole embattled legion of veteran penfioners and practised inftruments of a court, gave a total repeal to the Stamp act, and (if it had been fo permitted) a lasting peace to this whole empire.

I ftate, Sir, thefe particulars, becaufe this act of fpirit and fortitude has lately been, in the circulation of the feafon, and in fome hazarded declamations in this Houfe, attributed to timidity. If, Sir, the conduct of miniftry, in propofing the repeal, had arifen from timidity with regard to themselves, it would have been great ly to be condemned. Interested timidity difgraces as much in the cabinet, as perfonal timidity does in the field. But timidity, with regard to the wellbeing of our country, is heroic virtue. The noble lord who then conducted affairs, and his worthy colJegues, whilft they trembled at the profpect of fuch diftreffes as you have ince brought upon yourselves, was not afraid fteadily to look in the face that glaring and dazzling influence at which the eyes of eagles have blenched. He looked in the face one of the ableft, and, let me fay, not the most fcrupulous oppofitions, that perhaps. ever was in this Houfe, and withstood

openly revolted. The allies of my ftry (those I mean who fuppo fome of their meafures, but refu refponfibility for any) endeavoured undermine their credit, and to t ground that must be fatal to the f cefs of the very cause which they wo be thought to countenance. T queftion of the repeal was brought by ministry in the committee of th Houfe, in the very inftant when was known that more than one co negotiation was carrying on with t heads of the oppofition. Every thin upon every fide, was full of traps a mines. Earth below fhook; heav above menaced; all the elements minifterial fafety were diffolved. was in the midst of this chaos of plo and counterplots; it was in the mid of this complicated warfare again public oppofition and private treache ry, that the firmness of that nob perfon was put to the proof. He neve stirred from his ground; no, not a inch. He remained fixed and deter mined, in principle, in measure, an in conduct. He practifed no manage ments. He fecured no retreat. H fought no apology.

GENERAL CONWAY.

who led us in this Houfe. Far from the

I confefs, when I look back to that time, I confider him as placed in one of the most trying fituations in which, perhaps, any man ever ftood. In the Houfe of Peers there were very few of the ministry, out of the noble lord's own particular connection, (except Lord Egmont, who acted, as far as I could difcern, an honourable and manly part,) that did not look to fome other future arrangement, which warped his politicks. There were in both Houfes new and menacing appearances, that might very naturally drive any other, than a moft refolute minifter, from his measure, or from his tation. The household troops

duplicity wickedly charged on him, he acted his part with alacrity and refolution. We all felt infpired by the example he gave us, down even to myself, the weakeft in that phalanx. I declare for one, I knew well enough (it could not be concealed from any body) the true state of things; but, in my life, I never came with fo much) fpirits into this Houfe. It was a time for a man to act in. We had powerful enemies; but we had faithful and determined friends; and a glorious caufe. We had a great battle to fight; but we had the means of fighting; not as now, when our arms are tied behind us. We did fight that day. and conquer..

I remember, Sir, with a melancholy pleasure, the fituation of the hon. gentleman before mentioned, who made the motion for the repeal; in that crifis, when the whole trading in

tereft