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Page 5, line 6. Waste of woodes. As these complaints are addressed to the Dean of Durham, it is worthy notice that, scarcely more than twelve years previous, a charge was made against the Prebendaries of Durham for having themselves committed “great waste in divers woods” belonging to the See, and especially in “Muggleswick, the goodliest wood in the north of England.” (See Hutchinson's “History of Durham,” 4to. 1787, vol. i. p. 154, n.) P. 6, line 32. A nobleman. It is possible that William Lord Eure, the owner of Witton Park, is here alluded to. P. 7, line 2. Brancepeth parke. The Castle and Park of Brancepeth belonged to the Nevilles of Raby until 1570, when, by the attainder of Charles Earl of Westmoreland, it came into the hands of the Crown, and in the reign of James I. was assigned, with Raby Castle and other estates in the county of Durham, to the use of Charles, Prince of Wales, and by his lessees was sold in 1633 to Lady Middleton and others. Hutchinson, vol. iii. p. 314, and “Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1569,” by Sir Cuthbert Sharp, 8vo. 1840, p. 416. Line 12. Springing. Here seems to mean the growth of trees from seed, as acorns, &c. In a report on the waste and spoils committed in Raby Park, addressed by Sir Charles Wren, constable of the castle, to the Lord Treasurer Salisbury, in 1608, it is stated, “there was allso a newe spring of woodes made by the said Commissioners [for preservation of woods], which Hutton, as keeper, ought to maynteyne with sufficient fence, but doth suffer it to be spoyled with cattell,” &c. (MS. Lansdowne 166, fol. 299.) P. 9, line 9. One man, &c. I have endeavoured in vain to identify this individual. P. 11, line 31. Apologie. It is in the “Mythologia Aesopica,” edited by Nevelet, p. 268, Frankfort, 1610, 12mo.; from which edition the writer of this tract seems to have the fable. P. 12, line 16. Rabie Castle. The notice given of the demolition of part of Raby Castle is interesting, but it is uncertain who is “the owner" here alluded to. This castle, like Brancepeth, was forfeited to the Crown by the treason of the Earl of Westmoreland in 1570, and in 1613 was granted, together with Brancepeth, to Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset ; but, after a brief possession, reverted to the Crown, and in 1629 was sold to Sir Harry Vane the elder (afterwards Secretary of State), ancestor of the Earls of Darlington. (Memorials of the Rebellion of 1569, p. 88.)

P. 13, line 12. Bishop of Lincolne. The writer refers to Camden, but neither in his “Britannia" nor “Remains" do I find such a statement. Bishop Alexander was a Norman, brother to Roger Bishop of Salisbury, and was consecrated in July, 1123. Willis mentions only three castles built by him, namely, Banbury, Sleford, and Newark; and three monasteries, namely, Haverholm, co. Linc., Dorchester, and Tame, co. Oxon, to which Tanner adds Louth, co. Linc. and a hospital at Newark, co. Nott. This munificent prelate died in 1147.

Line 20. Which shall. There is some obscurity in this paragraph, arising from the omission of a word or two.

Line 25. Catalogue of Castles. Among the castles here mentioned, Hornby, in Lancashire, belonged in 1629 to Henry Parker, Lord Monteagle, and descended to him from the Stanleys, Lords Monteagle; Kendal, in Westmoreland, appertained to the Lords Parr, of Kendal, and in the reign of Elizabeth having become vested in the Crown, a survey was taken in 1572, in which the castle is said to be “all in decay” (Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 46); Appleby, in Westmoreland (ruinous in the time of Leland), and Skipton, in Yorkshire, formed a portion of the large estates of Lady Anne Clifford (heiress of George Earl of Cumberland), whose daughter married John Earl of Thanet; Kirkoswald, in Cumberland, was in possession of Richard Lennard, thirteenth Lord Dacre, who died in 1630; Raby and Brancepeth have been previously noticed; Dunstanburgh, in Northumberland, was granted by James I. in 1625 to Sir William Grey, then recently created Baron of Warke, to whom also Chillingham, in the same county, belonged; Bewick, in Northumberland, was vested in the Crown (Hodgson, vol. ii. pl. 3, p. 209); Bamburgh (or Bamborough), in the same county, was granted by James I. to John Foster; Witton, in Durham (as I conclude, although there is another Witton Castle in Northumberland), belonged to William Lord Eure, but was purchased by the Darcy family, and in the time of the Civil War was in the hands of Sir William Darcy (Hutchinson, vol. iii. p. 304); and Hornby, in the north riding of Yorkshire, came from the Conyers (the first Lord of which name, as Leland tells us, “dyd great coste on it,”) by marriage of the co-heiress to Thomas Darcy, whose son, Sir Conyers Darcy, was created Baron Darcy in 1646.

P. 16, line 14. Apologer. This fable is found in the collection of Abstemius, p. 547, ed. Nevelet, 1610.

P. 17, line 7. Drabbing, gullying. So in Shakspere, “Hamlet,” act ii. sc. 1:

King. As gaming, my Lord.
Polonius. Ay, or drinking, fencing, swearing, quarrelling,

The meaning is obvious, from drab, a loose woman. Gullying signifies indulging in gluttony, from gula. Thomas Wright, in “The Passions of the Minde,” p. 139, ed. 1604, says, “Vices are plagues, and vicious persons infected; therefore it were good to deale with them afarre off, and not in such places where their vices are strongest, as with gullers in banquets, drunkards in tavernes,” &c. And in another passage, “Such men, in the heat of their gulling feasts, overshoot themselves extreamely,” &c. (p. 129.)

P. 17, Line 20, out of square. Out of rule or compass; a phrase repeated at p. 25. Line 22. publique fast. The Proclamation for this fast was issued on the 14th February, 1628, and is extant, among other proclamations of this reign, in the library of the British Museum. The cause in the preamble is stated to be, “the present estate of the affaires of Christendome, and the deplorable condition of those who professe the true reformed religion.” A Form of Prayer was directed to be composed and printed on the occasion, and the Fast to be religiously observed on the 18th February, in the Cities of London and Westminster and places adjacent, and on the 2d March throughout the rest of the realm of England and dominion of Wales. Line 31. Ilanders of Ree. In allusion to the disastrous expedition of the Duke of Buckingham in June, 1627. (See p. 23.) P. 18, line 8. Apologer. In the “Mythologia HEsopica,” p. 188. P. 19, line 22. Sir Raphe Asheton. Of Great Lever and Whalley, in Lancashire. He served the office of Sheriff in 1579, 1594, and 1624, and was created Baronet in 1620. His name often occurs in the proceedings of the Lieutenancy for that county. (See MS. Harl. 1926, and Baines, “Hist. of Lancaster,” vol. i. p. 206.) P. 21, line 20. martiall discipline. So also Sir Francis Knolles, in the Preface to his “History of the Turks,” 1638, comparing the military power of the Turks with the Christian soldiers, calls the latter “for the most part, untrained men, and in no respect to be compared with the Turks Janizaries, . . . . . not to speake, in the meane time, of the want of the ancient martiall discipline, the wholesome preservation of most puissant armies.” P. 22, line 15. ale-houses. The amount of fines paid by the County of Durham for licenses for ale-houses in 1609, amounted to £82. 16s. (MS. Lansdowne 166, fol. 250°.) Line 26. cut and long taile. Of every sort and condition. The phrase is used by Shakspere in “The Merry Wives of Windsor,” act iii. sc. 4. P. 23, line 1. to vent. To vend, sell. (Ash's Dictionary.) Line 7. three-trees. A cant term for the gallows. Line 32. French apes. This tendency to imitate the fashions of the Continent is alluded to by several earlier and later writers. Thus, in “The Letting of Humours blood in the Head-vaine,” by S. R. [Samuel Rowlands], he writes,

Fashions is still consort with new fond shapes,
And feedeth dayly upon strange disguise;
We shew our selves the imitating apes
Of all the toyes that strangers heades devise:
For ther's no habite of hell-hatched sinne
That we delight not to be clothed in.

And Thomas Wright, in “The Passions of the Minde,” 1604, p. 136, says of variety of apparel, “And truely the Frenchmen and Englishmen, of all nations, are (not without some good cause) noted and condemned of this lightnesse, the one for inventing, the other for imitating; in other things we thinke them our inferiors, and herein we make them our maisters. And some I have heard very contemptuously say, that scarcely a new forme of breeches appeared in the French King's kitchin, but they were presently translated over into the Court of England.” In a tract by Henry Peacham, intitled, “The Truth of our Times revealed out of one Man's Experience,” printed in 1638, 12mo., are some curious remarks on the changes and caprices of fashion in England, which, as they have not been quoted by our recent writers on costume, I may be excused for citing here at length. He writes, p. 73, “I have much wondered why our English, above all other nations, should so much doat upon new fashions, but more I wonder at our want of wit, that wee cannot invent them ourselves, but, when one is growne stale, runne presently over into France, to seeke a new; making that noble and flourishing kingdome the magazine of our fooleries: and for this purpose many of our tailors lye leger there, and ladies post over their gentlemen ushers to accoutre them and themselves, as you see. Hence come your slashed doublets (as if the wearers were cut out to be carbonado'd upon the coales), and your halfe shirtes, pickadillies (now out of request), your long breeches, narrow towards the knees, like a payre of smith's bellowes, the spangled garters pendant to the shooe, your perfumed perrukes or perriwigs, to shew us that lost haire may bee had againe for money; with a thousand such fooleries, unknowne to our manly forefathers.” And again, p. 63, —“Now this thing we call the Fashion, so much hunted and pursued after (like a thiefe with an hue and cry) that our taylors dog it into France, even to the very doore. It reignes commonly like an epidemicall disease, first infecting the court, then the city, after the country; from the countesse to the chambriere, who, rather than shee will want her curled lockes, will turne them up with a hot paire of tongs, instead of the irons. The fashion (like an higher orbe) hath the revolution commonly every hundred yeare, when the same comes into request againe; whiche I saw once in Antwerpe handsomely described by an hee and shee foole turning a wheele about, with hats, hose, and doublets in the fashion fastned round about it; which, when they were below, began to mount up againe as we see them. For example, in the time of King Henry the 7, the slashed doublets, now used, were in request; only the coats of the King's Guard keepe the same form they did since they were first given them by the said king. After that, the Flemish fashion, in the time of King Henry the 8 came in request, of straight doublets, huge breeches let out with puffes, and codpieces. In Queene Marie's time the Spanish was much in use. In Queene Elizabeth's time were the great bellied doublets, wide sawcy sleeves, that would be in every dish before their master, and buttons as big as tablemen, or the lesser sort of Sandwich turnips; with huge ruffes that stood like cart-wheeles about their neckes, and round breeches, not much unlike Saint Omer's onions, whereto the long stocking, without garters, was joyned, which then was the Earle of Leicester's fashion, and theirs who had the handsomest legge. The women wore strait bodyed gowns, with narrow sleeves, drawne out with lawne or fine cambricke, in puffe, with high bolstered wings, little ruffes edged with gold or blacke silke; and maides wore cawles of gold, now quite out of use. Chaines of gold were then of Lordes, Knights, and Gentlemen commonly worne, but a chaine of gold now (to so high a rate gold is raised) is as much as some of them are worth. The like variety hath been in hats, which have beene but of late yeares. Henry the 6 is commonly pourtrayed with a hood on his head, such as the liveries of the city weare on their shoulders. Henry the 6, the 7, and 8, wore only caps. King Philip, in England, wore commonly a somwhat high velvet cap, with a white feather. After came in hats of all fashions, some with crowns so high, that beholding them farre off, you would have thought you had discovered the Teneriffe ; those close to the head, like barbers basons, with narrow brimmes, wee were at that time beholden to Cadiz, in Spaine, for. After them, came up those with square crownes, and brimmes almost as broad as a brewer's mash-fat, or a reasonable upper ston of a mustard querne.—No lesse variety hath bin in hat-bands, the cipresse being now quite out of use, save among some of the graver sort.” And, in p. 61, “The plainnesse of our English Kings in former times hath beene very remarkable. King Henry the 8 was the first that ever ware a band about his neck, and that very plaine, without lace, and about an inch or two in depth. Wee may see how the case is altered ; hee is not a gentleman, nor in the fashion, whose bands of Italian cut-work now standeth him not at the least in three or foure poundes. Yea, a semster, in Holborne, told mee that there are of three score pound price a piece; and shoo-tyes, that goe under the name of Roses, from thirty shillings to three, foure, and five poundes the paire. Yea, a gallant of the time, not long since, payd thirty pounds for a paire. I would have had him by himselfe to have eaten that dish of buttered egges prepared with muske and ambergrise, which cost thirty and five pounds, and when his belly had beene full, to have laid him to sleep upon my Lady N. bed, whose furniture cost her Ladiship five hundred and three score pounds.” In “The Present State of England,” by Walter Carey, printed in 1627 (reprinted in the “Harleian Miscellany,” vol. iii. p. 197, ed. 1745), the above statement as to the “excessive abuse in apparel,” is confirmed in the following curious passages: “I saw a compleat Gentleman of late, whose beaver Hat cost thirty-seven shillings, a Feather twenty shillings, the Hatband three pounds, and his ten-double Ruff four pounds; thus the head and neck only were furnished, and that but of one suit, for nine pounds, seventeen shillings. Now taking the proportion of the bravery for the rest of the body, the Cloke lined with velvet, daubed over with gold lace two fingers broad; the sattin Doublets and Hose in like sort decked; the silk Stockings, with costly Garters hanging down to the small of the leg; the Spanish shoes, with glittering Roses; the Girdle and Stiletto : I leave it to those that therein know more than I, and can speak of greater bravery, to cast up the total sum. But, on the contrary, I observed that sixty years since, generally a man full as good or better in ability than this compleat lusty looking lad, whose Hat and Band cost but five shillings, and his Ruff but twelve pence at most.—I will not forget, but touch a little the foolish and costly fashion of changing fashions, noted especially and objected against our English nation, and in one thing only (I mean the Hat) I will express our prodigious folly in all the rest. Of late the broadbrimmed Hat came suddenly in fashion, and put all others out of countenance and request, and happy were they that could get them soonest and be first seen in that fashion, so that, a computation being made, there is at least three hundred thousand pounds, or much more, in England only, bestowed in broad-brimmed Hats, within one year and an half. As for others, either Beaver or Felts, they were on the sudden of no reckoning at CAMD. SOC. F.

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