politan: now it is universal. The newspaper in each important town conveys intelligence of all interesting incidents which occur within its vicinity, to the central press, and receives in return and diffuses information gathered from all portions of the world.

"The press studies carefully the condition of all classes, and yields its reports with such a nice adaptation of prices as to leave no portion of the community without information concerning all that can engage their curiosity or concern their welfare. It no longer fears the odious information, or the frowns of power; but dictates with boldness to the government, and combines and not unfrequently forms the public opinion which controls everything. Yet the press is not despotic. Its divisions distract its purposes, and prevent a concentration of its powers upon any one object. That the newspaper press is capricious and often licentious will scarcely be denied; yet if it assails, it arms the party assaulted with equal weapons of defence, and yields redress for the injuries it inflicts.

"The ability, learning and spirit with which the press is now conducted, strikingly contrast with the dulness and superficial learning of its earlier period. Its editors, no longer regarded as mere chroniclers of events or pains taking mechanics, hold rank as a liberal profession, and exert a just influence upon the multifarious interests of society. Nor are the sweeping allegations of indecorum, venality and violence brought against the press in any sense just. That it sometimes offends propriety, decency and candour, is unhappily too true, but it reflects in all things the character of the country; and while the ignorant, the prejudiced, the malevolent and the vulgar cannot be deprived of its weapons, it never withholds its resistless influence from truth, wisdom, justice and virtue. Every improvement of the public morals, and every advance of the people in knowledge, is marked by a corresponding elevation of the moral and intellectual standard of the press; and it is at once the chief agent of intellectual improvement, and the Palladium of civil and religious Liberty."

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THE HONOURABLE WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD,

LATE SENATOR FOR NORTH CAROLINA, AND CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF COMMERCE IN THE SENATE.

No

MR. HAYWOOD is a man of great elegance. His deportment and address are very distinguished, and he is perfect in all the recognised conventionalisms of polished life. one understands better how to render social intercourse agreeable; he encourages amusement, enjoys conversation, both grave and gay, and his compliments are always gratifying, for they are in good taste, and never exceed the "modesty of nature. He speaks excellent English, his enunciation is fluent, the liquids being fully articulated, and he possesses one of those musical voices so usually heard in southern climates. I have observed that the vibration of the letter S is somewhat more audible and prolonged in the dialect of the Southern states of America than it is either in England or in the other sections of the Union. Without knowing that such is the fact, I should imagine Mr. Haywood to be descended from the blood of the cavaliers; his handsome features, his scrupulous attention to dress, and especially the natural (perhaps somewhat negligent) though graceful ease of his manners, combined with his chivalrous devotion to the fair sex, and success in the drawing room, all remind me of the descriptions we read of those high bred spirits. I quote Mr. Haywood, therefore, as an admirable specimen, among many, of that Chesterfield refinement and tact which are so frequently supposed by Europeans to have as yet no existence in America. This prejudice is directed, in a more especial manner, against the popular party, and I am proud to controvert it by adding that the Senator from North Carolina is not only an accomplished gentleman, but that he is also an excellent and true-hearted Democrat.

This Senator was highly esteemed for his attention to public business, and for singular industry in the discharge of its duties. He possesses many attainments, and is a scholar of taste and discrimination.

The conduct of Mr. Haywood on the Free Trade question is highly honourable to him, exhibiting alike a conscientious respect for the opinions of his constituents, and an independent assertion of his personal responsibility as a

member of the Legislature. "He was elected to the Senate at the close of the year 1842," says the National Intelligencer, "when the disagreements between the actual President and the Whig party having for the time distracted and disheartened the Whigs of North Carolina, the Democratic party obtained a casual majority in the Legislature of the State. The political power of that State is now in the hands of the Whigs, and Mr. Haywood, had he voted for the new Tariff bill, would have voted against the known sentiments of his State. Had he, on the other hand, voted against it, in order to conform to that sentiment, he would have voted, if not against his own opinion, against the prevailing opinion of his party. He resigned his seat, rather than violate his conscience on the one hand, or his obligations on the other."

Again: Mr. Webster remarks, in his speech on the 27th July, 1846:

"I infer that the honourable member left his seat here from an inability to support the measure of the administration now before us, and from a great unwillingness to disoblige his party, friends and connections by voting against it."

When the Tariff bill first came to the Senate, Mr. Haywood told Colonel Benton that he was opposed to it, and could not vote for it, unless it could be postponed and rendered perfect.

Much as I grieved over one seceder from the side of the noble Calhoun, I cannot refuse my approbation to Haywood.

Mr. Haywood's speech on the Oregon question produced an immense sensation, for he was regarded as the intimate personal friend of the President. I have always been of opinion that the President and the Secretary of State pursued the only wise and prudent course left to their choice. Fully impressed as I am with the conviction that the "whole of Oregon" is rightfully an American possession, and that at no distant period it will be so,* I am also equally of opinion that compromise was the sole line of policy which they would have been justified in adopting. And, though steadfast in my faith on this point, I yet rejoice that Christian precept, good feeling, and good sense prevailed, and prevented the evils which, for a period, seemed to threaten the

*These opinions I have held from first to last, and have expressed them in high places, both in America and England.

two countries. The vindication of the President is done by an able, faithful, and friendly hand.

ABSTRACT FROM THE

SPEECH OF HONOURABLE WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD,
OF NORTH CAROLINA,

On the Oregon Question, delivered in the Senate of the United States, 4th and 5th March, 1846.

The joint resolution for giving the notice to terminate the convention between the United States and Great Britain, relative to the Oregon Territory, being under consideration— Mr. Haywood addressed the Senate as follows:

Mr. President: The subject before the Senate is an important one. It will take me some time to explain my sentiments; but I throw myself upon the patience of the Senate, with a pledge that my heart shall be opened sincerely, at this the council board of our common country.

The President of the United States who is authorized by the Constitution to make, but not to unmake treaties, has a negotiation on foot which was commenced or opened before his term of office began. The object of it has been to fix a line of division, by compromise, between the United States and Great Britain, and thereby to adjust the conflicting claims of the two Governments, to the territory lying west of the Stony Mountains, commonly called Oregon. I assume for the present-hereafter I will demonstrate that in the view of our President, as well as the British Minister, the negotiation is still a pending one. The assumption is warranted by every incident of the subject in this country and in great Britain; and it is confirmed beyond all fair doubt by the silence of the President upon that point, when, if the negotiation had terminated, executive silence would be unpardonable; the more especially as his jurisdiction over the subject will cease the moment negotiation ends. The negotiation once closed, concluded, put an end to, by the executive, all the remaining questions about Oregon will become forthwith subjects of legislation by Congress exclusively.

First, we all know that the President-whose assent is. indispensable-will not agree to an arbitration. I do not stop to defend or to accuse him for this; it belongs to some other occasion. If, in the providence of God, this Oregon

controversy should terminate in a conflict, the responsibility of having rejected arbitration will be a fearful one, and he will have to meet it. But the responsibility has been taken by him. The Senate, therefore, must now proceed upon it as a fact, a "fixed fact," that arbitration is out of the question. We cannot help it if we would, and I owe it to candour to say, that I would not if I could.

Well, then, we have seen in his Message that Great Britain made an offer of compromise which was rejected by the American Government, in August, 1844, and the President has informed Congress plainly and distinctly that this British proposition to us cannot be entertained by him, but that it is wholly inadmissible." So far there is no difficulty. Everything is plain and directly to the point, as it ought to be.

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Next, we are informed by the Message that the President himself made an offer to Great Britain by which the territory of Oregon between the parallels of 42° and 54° 40′ was proposed to be divided by a compromise on the line of 49°, and that the British Minister rejected it without submitting any other proposition, &c. This offer of our President was made on the 12th of July, 1845-refused on the 29th of the same month. But on the 30th of August, 1845, the President withdrew his rejected proposition, and re-asserted, by his letter to the British Minister, our claim and title to the whole of Oregon-which letter has not been answered!

The President does not say that the negotiation has been abandoned, nor that it will be concluded by him without waiting to receive another offer. No such thing. He does not inform Congress that he will or will not renew, or that he will or will not entertain, his own offer, which he adopted as that of the nation, for a compromise. I repeat, that it was, under the circumstances, impossible for him to do that, provided he considered compromise still admissible. But he does say that he has receded, notwithstanding his opinion as to title, to the line of 49° as a compromise, and his reasons for it are given-reasons quite as conclusive in favor of accepting the offer now as they were for making it last year! And as I understand the President's position, he stands this day upon that line of 49° as a compromise, if compromise is to be had. Once for all, let me explain, that when I have spoken, or shall hereafter speak, of the "compromise line of 49°," I do by no means intend to be understood literally. But I mean that line in substance-not every inch." I mean the same compromise substantially which this Go

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