and cheaper than at any other market. The propofitions indeed put certain restraints upon them in this refpect, and they ao impoted reftraint on the British legislature. But without fuch limitations no commercial agreement could ever be framed between two independent legislatures. Agreements to direct the channels in which trade fhould flow, or to commute the barren fpeculation of a poffible diftant trade, which was now open to them, but which they were not no able to enjoy, and which perhaps might never be worth their having; for a beneficial trade, which was not open to them, and which they might acquire by the fufpenfion of an ufelefs right refumable at pleafure, would not be a relinquishment, but an enlargement of commercial freedom, and a just and constitutional exertion of legislative power for falutary purpoles.

Mr. Hutchinson inferred from the view he had taken of the fub ject, that, if Ireland should at last be found to hefitate, whether to accept or not the colonial and domef tic markets of Britain, on terms equally beneficial with herfelf, he would venture to tell them, that no nation in Europe, which had no colonies of her own, would follow their example. When he reflected how long Scotland had endeavoured to obtain from England the protection of her navigation laws, and the benefits of her colony trade; that what was now offered to be permanently granted to Ireland, without any infringement of her rights of legiflation, could not be purchafed by Scotland without the furrender of her legiflative fovereignty when he reflected with what effufions of public gratitude they had themfelves received that

very boon, which fome of them feemed now to difdain and spurn; and how carefully and affectionately it had been cherished by the r legiflature in the acts of every fuc. ceeding feffion; he viewed with amazement the wonderful revolu tious of human fentiments, and confidered the conftitutional jealoufy ariling from the propofed fyftem of colonial legiflation, as one of thofe popular delufions, which had too often enflamed the pafions, and mifled the reafons of men,

Mr. Hutchinfon called upon them to confider the prefent ftate of the British empire. Let them furvey their own country with an honeit pride, as a most important part of that empire. Confcious of their weight in the general fcale, let them not be too prone to fufpect, that any English minifiry would be mad enough to invade their liberties or to impair either their commercial or conftitutional rights. What was now the neceflary object of British counfels? To ftrengthen and connect the remaining parts of the empire. What were the principal means of effecting this? Multiplying the refources, increafing the wealth, promoting the population and induftry, and establishing the tranquility and contentment of Ireland. No two countries on the globe were more neceffary to the happiness of each other than these iflands. The man, who attempted to ferve the one at the expence of the other, would injure both. Such was obviously the wifh and the intereft of the enemies of the Britifh empire.

It became them, to counteract their enemies, to cooperate with their friends, and to confolidate by a fair and equal fettlement the ftrength of the two kingdoms.

Mr. Hutchinfon certainly wished

to confider himself as accountable to his constituents for his parliamentary conduct. But on great national questions it was his duty to think, as well as to act for them. He was never more thoroughly convinced, that he had at no time given a vote of more beneficial tendency to the city of Cork, and he had no doubt, that his conftituents would hereafter view his conduct in that light. He affectionately regarded his fellow citizens, and there was nothing that he valued more than their elleem, except the lating interefts and happiness of them and their potterity. He defired only, that they might judge of the bill for themfelves, and appreciate it by its own merit; and not view it through the medium of mifreprefentation, which fo many men in both kingdoms had, or imagined they had ap intereft in placing be. tween the public and the real fubject for their confideration. The great principle of the bill, equal freedom in each kingdom to the merchants and manufacturers of the other, had been long his decided opinion. He called upon them to apply all the exertions of their knowledge and experience to this fubject; its importance deferved them all. Let them how their veteran and he would add their faith ful representative, that any part of the meafure injured their rights, as merchants, manufacturers or freemen, and then let them fee whether any man would ufe more vigorous exertions for their fervice. But let them confider it with that temper and good fenfe with which their conduct had ufually been marked, and not fuffer it, before it had been read or underflood, to be encountered with violence and outrage.

On the fifth of September the two houfes of parliament met pur

fuant to their adjournment. On this occafion an addrefs was moved to the lord lieutenant in the house of lords by lord vifcount Clifden, jo'nt poftmaster general. By the addrefs they demanded permillion to approach his grace with the mott fincere expreffions of affection for his perfon and approbation of his adminiftration. They thanked him for the zeal which he had difplayed in fo illuftrious a manner, for augmenting the profperity of Ireland by cementing her union with Great Britain. Nothing could contribute fo much to the permanance of the benefits they at prefent enjoyed: nothing could more advantageously fecure the harmony, the ftrength and the stability of the empire; and they fhould efteem themselves most happy, to have it in their power to profecute a plan, which might tend to this defirable end, under the auspices of his grace, and with the concurrence of the nation, and to augment the luftre of his administration by its happy completion. The opportu nity was embraced by lord Mountmorres to deliver his fentiments at large upon the commercial fyftem. He had been one of thofe, who had defired that an equalization of duties fhould take place between the two countries. It had been the idea of the wifest and most enligh tened politicians who had treated of the fubject of commerce. An attempt had been made to introduce an arrangement of this fort between Great Britain and France, at the era of the treaty of Utrecht; but the commercial treaty, after having been figned by the commiffioners, was refufed to be ratified by the British houfe of commons. A fimilar adjustment was now on the tapis between the courts of London and Verfailles; but the fteps

for

for its completion had been hitherto fruitless. If then a principle of this fort could be applied to nations, independent of, and unconnected with each other, how much more ftrongly did it conclude refpecting the policy of two kingdoms, fo ftrongly connected with each other, as Great Britain and Ireland? This had been the fage and judicious policy of the court of France; and, ever fince the administration of Colbert, it had been her object to arrange the duties of her different provinces upon a footing of the most perfect equality.

But however wife were the general idea of fuch an arrangement, it had been defeated by the narrow and injudicious provifions which had been inferted in it. It was impoffible to juftify administration relatively to the fourth propofition. The restriction of the East India trade had nothing to do with the arrangement of a fyftem of mutual reciprocity. Why had they not adhered to the eleven original propofitions? Why had government taken back with one hand what the had given with the other? Lord Mountmorres trufted, that the bill which had been prefented to the house of commons had received an ultimate defeat. Something however of the kind was neceflary; and fo long as the actual inequality of duties fubfifted, fo long as the commerce of Ireland was bound down with chains and fetters, protecting duties were the only refource that could preferve her from ruin.

Lord Mountmorres was answered confiderably in detail by the lord chancellor; and, the addrefs being carried, a proteft was entered against it, and figned by the duke of Leinfter, the earl of Charlemont, lords viscount Mountgarret and Mount

morres; and fupported by the proxies of lords vifcount Powerf court and Defart, and lord Belmore.

The house of commons having met on the fame day, a letter was delivered to them from their fpeaker Mr. Edmund Sexten ery, declaratory of his refignation of that office. As his intention had been for fome time public, the victorious oppofition had entertained the idea of introducing into the chair a perfon of their own nomination; and they fixed for this purpofe upon Mr. George Ponfonby. The defign however was foon after difcarded as impracticable, and Mr. John Foster, chancellor of the exchequer, was elected without oppofition. This bufinefs being dif patched, an addrefs to the lord lieutenant was moved by lord vifcount Headfort, fon to the earl of Bective. The address of the house of commons was more moderate than that of the lords, and fimply fuggeted the intention of leaving the people of that country at li berty, to resume or not the fubject of a commercial adjustment with Great Britain. Its language was therefore approved of by Mr. Connolly and Mr. Forbes: but it was oppofed with warmth by Mr. Grattan and lord Edward Fitzgerald. It was carried upon a divifion, ayes 130, noes 13.

On the fame day an addrefs to the lord lieutenant was moved by Mr. Griffiths, requesting him to direct a profecution to be commenced against certain fheriffs officers, for different crimes which had been reported to that houfe by the committee, appointed to examine into the state of the prifons of the kingdom. This committee had originally been intituted at the motion of Mr. Griffiths, and he deC 4

clared