block for many honest citizens who, from conscientious motives, from education, or from prejudices, do not desire to legislate in favour of slavery; or, in the language of the Republican politicians, they are opposed to the establishment by Congress of a slave code for the Territories.'

Neither does the South ask for the establishment of a slave code, in the sense in which it is here meant. But the Constitution confers upon them and their property the same rights as are conferred upon the Free States and their property. The citizen cannot protect himself, because he has transferred that right to the Government which, having assumed it, is bound to perform that duty; otherwise such citizen is an outlaw.

Government is the natural protector of all its citizens. It is bound alike to each. This is the foundation upon which all its powers rest. The government which from inability fails in the performance of this duty, is no longer entitled to the allegiance of the citizen, unless there is a reasonable effort made to redress the wrong. But where the Government refuses to perform this duty, it abdicates, and is no longer the Government.

It follows, therefore, that when the Government of the United States refuses, or fails to protect the South in its equal rights, it abdicates its authority; and, ccasing to be the Government of the Slave States,

cannot rightfully claim their allegiance. By such an act, it becomes only the Government of the States which it protects.

Even though the North might gain a temporary triumph by the abrogation of the equal rights of the South, yet one day or other it would be made to recoil upon herself. However that may be, no other construction can fairly be placed upon the Constitution; and however objectionable may be its provisions, it is the duty of good citizens to conform to them, in letter and in spirit. When they seek to violate or fraudulently to evade its requirements, it is an act of revolution. It is disunion.

LETTER XIV.

A Confederacy could never be established which did not recognise the equality of the States-Position of Parties illustrated sions of the South and North considered.

Aggres

WITHIN the Republican or Anti-slavery party there are many who are willing to admit the importance of the Confederacy to the general safety of the whole, but who detest the Constitution which recognises the institution of slavery, and thereby imposes upon the Government the necessity of giving the same protection to the slave-holder and his property as to the Massachusetts manufacturer and his looms. I have already referred to the absurdity of assuming the existence of a government which would not give full and ample protection to all its citizens. I have said- and it will scarcely be called in questionthat when a government refuses to protect all its citizens in their constitutional rights it virtually abdicates, and it is no longer entitled to the allegiance of its citizens; and in a confederacy like that of the United States it is, in effect, a dissolution of the Union.

But let it be supposed that, by common consent, and without any popular excitement or unkind feel

ing between the citizens of the several States, the Union were dissolved into its original elements. The first impulse of many who are now, perhaps, unwittingly engaged in the work of destruction, would be to re-establish some sort of union as a protection against foreign aggression. Let it be supposed that, in accordance with this sentiment, a convention should be called to settle the terms on which the new Union should be established. It assembles: every State is represented; the organisation is completed, and the President announces that all is ready to proceed to the despatch of the business which called them together. Fifteen Slave States and eighteen Free States are represented.

A grave member from Massachusetts rises and says:-'Mr. President,-Before proceeding to arrange the details of the terms upon which these thirtythree independent States may form a Union for purposes of common defence and other great objects of interest to each, it is necessary to declare the terms upon which new States, formed out of the common territory of this confederacy, may be admitted as integral parts of the proposed Union. As I do not desire to awaken any angry or even unkind feelings by making any special reference to certain crimes and sins of enormous magnitude which are tolerated and legalised by fifteen of the States here assembled, I propose to accomplish my

the greatest states

Does any member

purpose in another way. The Constitution of my native State is perfect in all its parts. It is the result of the matured wisdom of men of this or any other age. of this Convention find in that charter of our liberties any single provision to which a rational objection can be made?' After a pause, during which there is a profound silence, the gentleman from Massachusetts continues: 'I do not desire, Mr. President, to force this Constitution upon any one of the States here represented; and it would be alike a departure from the great principle of liberty to insist, absolutely, upon the adoption of this Constitution by a new State before being admitted as a member of our Confederacy. I therefore propose to adopt the following article defining the terms upon which new States may be admitted. To wit:

'ARTICLE I. Any territory of the United States having the requisite population, and complying in other respects with the provisions of the Constitution, may be admitted into the Union as an equal member thereof, Provided the said territory has adopted for its government the Constitution of the State of Massachusetts. But if said territory asks for admission under a Constitution with provisions similar to the provisions of the Constitution of North Carolina, it shall not be lawful for such territory to become a State of the Confederacy.'

After the member for Massachusetts has taken his seat, a Republican from New York rises and says:'Mr. President,-Though there is an entire coinci