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more than one party was engaged in the composition of these celebrated epistles, as there would be probably no union in agreeing to a public acknowledgment. From the variety of testimony connecting different persons with the letters, the likelihood really is that they did not emanate from a single writer. That theory will account, in particular, for Burke's friend Sir Philip Francis being so feasibly shown to be mixed up with the transaction, and even identified as the actual author. It is indeed very difficult to believe some of those charged, and especially Francis, innocent of a participation in Junius. To the fact of Burke having himself written the letters of Junius there certainly can be opposed his letter to Charles Townshend, son of the Hon. Thomas Townshend, and brother of the first Viscount Sydney, dated the 24th Nov. 1771, and to be found in Lord Fitzwilliam and Sir R. Bourke's collection. Burke in that letter says: "I now give you my word and honour that I am not the author of Junius, and that I know not the author of that paper; and I do authorise you to say so." This denial admits of observation. In the first place, it was most tardily and reluctantly given, after Townshend's second inquiry on the subject, he not being satisfied with Burke's former and evidently evasive reply. The communication which contains the above assertion begins with this strange statement: "I delayed my answer to you until I twice consulted my pillow." Surely there was no need of that if Burke had merely to give a contradiction; but there was need of it if he had to contrive a clever evasion. Secondly, as to Burke's actual words: they, after all, only amount to a negative pregnant. Burke declares he is not the author of Junius, but he goes no further. He does not state, as Townshend asks him to do, "that he is neither directly nor indi rectly engaged in publishing Junius's letters;" he, instead, catches hold of a subterfuge his inquirant has left him, and confines himself, clearly with some secret intent, to alleging that he knows not "the author of that paper" (pointing merely to "the letter signed Zeno in the Public Advertiser,'" which Townshend happens to

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make particular mention of). All this, therefore, so far from removing the impression as to Burke, goes in support of the hypothesis, that though not strictly the author, he was somehow or

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other a planner, aider, or abettor of the scheme; that he, with others, set and maintained the terrible engine in motion. Curiously enough, nearly every one charged with being Junius was really an intimate of Burke's.

Edmund Burke may have not been the chief, but it is both

plausible and probable that he was one of the shielded Ajaces of this famous and formidable literary conspiracy. In conclusion, it may be observed, that great signs evidence great things. The mammoth is known by his bones. A powerful king ordered the iron mask; and therefore it could have been used for no common purpose. Men would have it that Louis XIV. sought with that grim visor to hide the close resemblance of a brother nearer to the throne than himself. So the very talent of Junius gave note of some mighty reality. The shadow marked the substance of a giant, and suspicion naturally fell upon Edmund Burke, the prince of the political writers and reasoners of his age. The popular eye of that time looked for the light where light was. Years have since rolled on new and manifold attempts have arisen to penetrate the obscurity-failures all—all (with the exception of Mr. Britton's able essay in favour of Col. Barré) weaker than the one earlier supposition. Until a contradicting certainty come, and it is likely it never will come, the lasting impression will remain, that Junius and Burke were in earnest and energetic alliance. magni nominis umbra.

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Junius, in effect, proved a powerful help to the opposition of which Burke was the leader. Between the writings of Junius and the parliamentary philippics of Burke, the administration felt so goaded, that its principal, the Duke of Grafton, took fright, and resigned on the 28th of Jan., 1770. His successor was the well-known Frederick, Lord North, a man of pleasing and engaging manners, and imperturbable good temper; a man distinguished for wit and readiness of argument, for classical knowledge, for taste, and for elegant literature; but perhaps fitter for the enjoyment and participation of enlightened discourse in private society, than for the conduct of public affairs at so difficult a juncture. In a peculiar kind of persuasive eloquence, Lord North had few superiors in the house; but his political notions were wavering and unsettled. His counsels were fluctuating, the result generally of occasion, and not the efforts of a great, consistent, and well

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concerted plan. His conduct was unsteady, now feeble, how rash, now conceding, now coercing; with considerable talents and many virtues, he was the cause of great disasters. His best proof of courage was his taking office when he had almost singly to con+ front, in an angry House of Commons, the formidable attacks of Burke.

The session, with Lord North as ministerial leader, began on the 13th of November, 1770; and the first proceedings of the government happening to touch the freedom of the press, brought much discussion. The debate turning on a constitutional point, found Burke in full animation. The subject was this:-Among many printers who republished Junius's Letters from the originals in the "Public Advertiser," one was Almon, a man obnoxious to government on account of personal attacks on some of the ministers and supposed favourites of the court. Almon had put the famous letter of Junius to the King into a monthly magazine. Although it had been copied before into all the newspapers in the kingdom, none of the publishers had been prosecuted; but instantly an action was commenced against Almon. This step had evidently more of resentment than justice; for justice pointed to the first publisher. Burke loudly impugned the conduct of the attorneygeneral; he was, he said, no favourer of libels, but he insisted on fairness in their prosecution. In his speech occurred the following celebrated description of Junius:

"How comes this Junius to have broke through the cobwebs of the law, and to range uncontrolled, unpunished through the land? The myrmidons of the court have been long, and are still, pursuing him in vain. They will not spend their time upon me, or upon you, when the mighty boar of the forest that has broke through all their toils is before them. But what will all their efforts avail? No sooner has he wounded one, than he strikes down another dead at his feet. For my own part, when I saw his attack upon the king, I own my blood ran cold. I thought he had ventured too far, and that there was an end of his triumphs;

not that he had not asserted many bold truths. Yes, sir; there are in that composition many bold truths by which a wise prince might profit. It was the rancour and venom with which I was struck. But while I expected from this daring flight his final ruin and fall, behold him rising still higher and coming down souse upon both houses of parliament. Yes, he made you his quarry, and you still bleed from the effects of his talons. You crouched, and still crouch beneath his rage. Nor has he dreaded the terrors of your brow, sir-[the Speaker, Sir Fletcher Norton, remarkable for his large eyebrows]-for he has attacked even you, and I believe you have no reason to triumph in the encounter. Not content with carrying away our royal eagle in his pounces and dashing him against a rock, he has laid you prostrate, and King, Lords, and Commons thus become the sport of his fury. Were he a member of this house, what might not be expected from his knowledge, his firmness, and his integrity? He would be easily known by his contempt of all danger, by his penetration, and by his vigour. Nothing would escape his vigilance and activity. Bad ministers could conceal nothing from his sagacity, nor could promises nor threats induce him to conceal any thing from the public."

This effort in favour of the press was followed by a bill, which Burke prepared, to amend the law of libel; he could not then pass it, but it is remarkable that it was the identical measure which Fox carried in 1791, and which has since proved of such sterling advantage. Notwithstanding the change in the ministry, the same fatal course was pursued towards America. Every year, every month, events became more critical. Burke's powers seemed to expand in proportion. In 1771 he was appointed agent for the State of New York, and he stood forward the avowed champion of the colonists. True to the constitutional principle of the Rockingham party, that the power of Parliament was omnipotent, but that that power must not be oppressively or unjustly

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