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Among Europe's. Lucca. 4. Raguitares of united pec

considerable differences ; for in Great Britain and Hungary, monarchy has the ascendant ; in Sweden and Poland, aristo. cracy; and the Germanic constitution, in many things, 'resembles a body of uni: ed nations.

Among Europe's free states are four aristocracies. 1. Vo. nice, 2. Genoa. 3. Lucca. 4. Ragusa : one aristo-demo. cratical republic, San Marino: and two states of united people. 1. The United Netherlands. 2. The Swiss Cantons.'

Mr. Totze imagines that even under unlimited fovereigns all European kingdoms have their fundamental laws, which their sovereigns are bound to observe, because, says he, moft, if not all, the present abfolute monarchies in Europe having been limited governments, fuine institutions were left ftanding at the change of form. Among those limitations he mentions, • first, the established religion, which, he says, a monarch cannot alter.' The history of the English reformation may, perhaps, furnish some matter of dispute as to the fundamentality of that article. "Second, he is not to alter the legal succefsion to the throne, nor invest improper or disqualified persons with a pretension to it. Without having recourse to the histories of Lewis XIV. of France, Henry VIII and Edward VI. of England, we may find very strong exceptions to this funda. mental, in the history of Spain. Upon the whole, therefore, all that can be said with regard to those fundamentals, are that, however they may bind the king, they do not bind the states. The histories of England and Ruflia furnish instances where the states complimented their sovereigns with dispensations from that fundamental.

The next fundamental laws mentioned by our author, is, thirdly. "That he shall administer justice according to the laws; consequently, he cannot decide any cause arbitrarily.' We cannot help thinking that a prince limited by the laws cannot be said to be an unlimited monarch, and we imagine that Mr. Totze has here confined his ideas entirely to the Ger. manic constitution, without extending them to what has been the practice of almost all unlimited monarchies. • It being a maxim, continues our author, generally received in Christendom, that only the administration of the state, with proper rights and honours, is committed to the sovereign, and that it is by no means his property ; another fundamental law consequential to this is, that the domain, or crown-lands shall not be alienated. Thus the sovereign is not allowed to parcel out the fame or dispose of them at his will.'--For a commentary upon this doctrine we must refer our readers to the present practice of England, even though it is a limited monarchy, We are, however, a little surprized that Mr. Totze, in laying

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down those fundamental laws, did not give his readers some better reason than he has done, for the French omitting out of their king's coronation oath, ever since the reign of Charles VIII. the following clause, Superioritatem, jura et nobilitatis corona Francia inviolabiliter cuftodiam, et illu nec transportabo nec alienabo. In English, “ I shall neither transfer nor alienate, but inviolably preserve the superiority and rights of the no. bility of the crown of France,"

Our author next proceeds to treat of the particular funda. mental laws in limited monarchies. The nature of the fucceffion, elective kingdoms, regencies, the right of the states, the deposition of kings, and the fingular good fortune of the French royal family, which, our author says, has held the throne near 800 years in an uninterrupted male fucceffion. He observes that the royal family of Bourbon, at present, fills the thrones of France, Spain, and Naples. · The like good fortune, continues he, has attended the illustrious house of Oldenburg: it is in poffefsion of the two crowns of Denmark and Sweden, to which, in time, will be added that of Russia, in the person of a prince ; and thus the sceptres of all the three northern monarchies will be in irs hands.' This supposes the house of Holstein to be descended from that of Oldenburg.

The titles of sovereignty, orders of knighthood, and some other articles, not extremely material, succeed ; and then the author proceeds to religion, and thinks the popish is by much the strongest with regard to number and the extent of countries. His state of sciences in Europe is worth perusing, as are his accounts of the Roman and canon law, and the law of nations.

In the account of the military force in Europe, and his fate of the marine, the author is often indebted to Busching. He supposes the royal revenues of France to exceed that of any other European power ; and the reader will find some amusement in perusing his alterations and present state of the European commerce, which finishes his preliminary discourse,

Mr. Totze opens his Present State of Europe with an account of Spain, which seems to be very carefully selected from the best authors; but as it contains little or nothing that is new, it is sufficient to say that Mr. Totze has been circumstansial on the antient forms of each governinent, and particolarly happy in ascertaining the state of the coinage, antient and modern. He closes his account of each kingdom with an enumeration of the several treaties concluded between the respective powers ; at one view, pointing out both the mutual relation between different states with regard to certain rights

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and obligations, and at the same time their greater or lesser share in the general transactions.

The character given of the Spaniards by Mr. Totze is as follows. "The Spaniards, as to their persons, are in general of a middle fize, or low ftature, and withal lean and meagre. They are well limbed, but with weak eyes, which makes spectacles so common among them. They are of a brown complexion, with something grave or stern and forbidding in their aspect ; which, however, relates only to the men; the women, besides their beauty, being more lively and agreeable in their inanners. Among the diseases of both sexes, the venereal is the most common; but they make light of it.

• They are naturally pensive and melancholy; in their deliberations and resolves flow; and in conversation suspicious, discerning, and reserved. They have a large Mare of ambition, but likewise of firmness and fortitude; are very temperate in eating, and still more in drinking; they are celebrated for magnanimity, probity, constancy in friend thip, and punctual observance of their word.

This is the bright side of the Spaniards. On the other hand one fies, and sometimes amidit the most sordid poverty, an intolerable haughtiness, and a contempt of other nations. They are likewise charged with extreme avarice, seizing every opportunity, however iniquitous, of enriching themselves; an art in which their viceroys, governors, and other officers in America, not excepting even the millionaries in that country, are most infamously expert. Lewdness is one of their capital vices. Married and unmarried youths and boys, keep miltreflcs; and from this propensity springs their great veneration and complaisance to the fair sex, together with that jealousy which is so predominant in them, that they stick at nothing to gratify it. In revenge they are equally vehement, and generally have it executed by bravo's or murderers; looking on duelling, so much praaised by other nations, as giving advantages to an enemy, at one's own peril. The proceedings of the Spaniards towards the Moors, the Indians, and the Flemings, leave an indelible brand of cruelty on their name.

· Though avaricious, they are nothful, and hate work, by. which they might be earning something, and particularly handicrafts and agriculture. The source of this indolence lies in their pride, all pretending to be descended from the Visigoths; and that to stoop to such low employments would be debafing their illustrious origin. This makes the commonalty so very poor; and persons of rank are often reduced to exigencies by their negligencies and inisınanagement. The grandees are very profuse in fine furniture, and often expend a great part of

their estates in plate, of which some have an amazing quantity, though seldom used but at nuptials. The Spaniards are very conceited and tenacious of their old customs and manners, and would equally detest any alteration in their dress, as in the ceremonies of the church : the public games and diversions used by their ancestors, sublist to this very day.

• Among these, the principal are the bull-fights; and the pope himself, though so much respected in Spain, never has been able to abolish those fanguinary entertainments.'

Had Mr. Totze deferred the compilation of this work till the year 1770, he probably would have altered some part of this character ; and we have reason to expect from the dispo. ftions of his preseni Catholic majesty, farther alterations in the civil and ecclefiaftical deportments of his government and the manners of his people. It is surprizing that Mr. Totze in enumerating the treaties between Great Britain and Spain, should omit that of Seville in 1729.

Portugal naturally follows Spain in this work, and we have no reason to distrust the fidelity of our author's account of that kingdom. What he says concerning the veneration of the Portuguese for the papal power, and their favish dependence on the court of Rome, has been in a great measure obviated by the spirited conduct of their last two kings, elpecially his present inost faithful majetty, who seems to have led the way to a general reformation. We have not seen, however, so clear and accurate an account of Portugal as that given in the work before us; and it is highly worth perusal, especially by the com. mercial part of England.

The next kingdom is France, a country which we had al. most said is but too well known to our fellow.fubjects. What is said of it by our author agrees with the best published accounts.' The following is an account of a new order, which, we believe, has been but little attended to.

• As the knights of the three orders must be of the Roman Catholic religion, Lewis XV, in the year 1759, instituted a new order for protestant officers, by the title of Ordre du Me. rite Militaire. It has two Grand-croix and four Commandeurs; the number of knights indefinite. The cross of the order represents a sword erect, with this inscription : “ Pro Virtute Bellicâ ;' and on the reverse is a wreath with the words, “ Ludovicus XV. instituit 1759.

Mr. Totze believes that the West Indian and Newfoundland fishery are the best branches of foreign trade France now enjoys; and that France has nothing to fear but from Great Britain, since her alliance with the house of Austria, and her establishment of the family-compact. The duration of that alliance, however, must be very uncertain, and precarious, till the real dispositions of his present Imperial majesty are known. It is pretty extraordinary that this author should roundly advance that no state in Europe has produced so many and so great statesmen and warriors as France ; an assertion which depends upon no authority but that of a French gasconade.

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We with that Mr. Totze had been a little more cautious than he has been in selecting his authorities for the present state of Great Britain. Soine of them are scarcely known to an English seader, witness Miege, Murault a Swiss, and Le Blanc a Frenchman, so uninformed of the English stage, which he pretends to criticise, that he gives us Shakespear's rhyming scenes, because they are in rhyme, as the highest specimen of that poet's poetical excellencies. We are sorry here to make a general observation, that the foreigners who have pretended to give an account of the English nation are the people in the world the most disqualified for such an undertaking. They are commonly men who have no access to the best or even the middling company, and transmit the manners of the lowest as characteristics of the English people; the instances of this in Mr. Totze's notes are too numerous to be produced here, and even many of them are founded upon false and mistaken facts. We must, however, do this writer the justice to observe, that fome of the authors whom he quotes lived in a time when too many vulgarities prevailed among the English.--His account of the constitution of England is chiefly extracted from Rapin, and Chamberlain's Present State of Great Britain, and consequently not very accurate. He tells us, that no fentence of death can be put in execution without the king's orders; that the laws do not indicate with proper perspicuity and explicitness, how far the rights of each order of the state extends ; that the tories attributed an unlimited power to the king, and that even after the Revolution they harboured a ftrong attachment to the Stuart family, and were never fincerely well affected to king William, queen Anne, or the present royal family; and the whigs, says he, on their side, after the Revolution, which was chiefly their work, standing higher in the prince's favour, and enjoying all the new employments, which they themselves had created, and other advantages, which they could expect to hold only under the now reigning family, have always shewed themselves votaries, to the court; and have complied with, and invented measures which seemed to affect liberty.'

Mr. Totze tells us that the city of London consists of three parts ; first, the city of London, particularly fo called ; second,

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