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terate Jacobites and prejudiced republicans, it never came into their heads, that they were ruining their own importance, and, consequently, rendering the crown strong enough to set all parties at defiance, to put them on their good behaviour, and to treat them with that contempt which is natural to a sovereign in the plenitude of independent power.

• To argue mankind into hazardous exertions of opposition for particular interelts alone, is a consummate piece of indiscretion, which nothing could make us believe practical politicians to be guilty of, had we not been convinced to the contrary by the obvious tendency of the work intitled, “ Thoughts on the Cause of " the prefent Discontents," supposed to be written by a man whom we may juftly efteem the mouth of the faction.

In a work, where all the fetters laid upon public liberty are not only regarded with indifference, but treated as necessary evils, ra. ther to be supported than abolished; we cannot help smiling to hear the author with all the power of eloquence pathetically la. menting, as a man who had remotely felt something of the hu. miliation, the dependent, invidious, and mortifying state of that very immediate slave to an absolute monarch, a minister of state : we cannot, I say, help smiling to hear a philofopher and a politician lament the natural consequience of those very circumstances which he esteems necessary in government.

• The lucrative prospect which a seat in parliament, in the prefent mode of corruption, gives for the enriching the representa. tive, at the expence of his country and constituents, is the great root of political evil. Take away the cause, and the effect will ceafe; take away from the representative, by a quick and thorough circulating round of rotation, every such lucrative and corrupt prospect of private interest, and the warm contention for seats in parliament, both on the side of government and individuals, will sink into a coolnefs which will reduce such elections to the quiet calmness of a nomination for parish-officers. If triennial parliaments will not serve the turn, change the half, or the whole of your parliament yearly, and deprive your representatives of a corrupt and ftanding interest in the legislature, by debarring every member of parliament of the capacity of re-election under a certain term of years.

• Equally averse is the author of the Cause of the prefent Discon. tents against every other conftitutional proposition for remedying the growing evils of our government, as against the orthodox principle of rotation ; a place-bill would set the executive power åt variance with the legislative, and hazard the forms of our excellent constitution.

• To correct evils which are allowed to be excessive, this mighty champion of the whig faction, the author of the Thoughts on the Cause of the present Discontents, proposes that the people should meet in counties and in corporations to scan the conduct of their representatives, and to send, I prefume, disregarded petitions to the throne for the dissolution of a body of men, whom the very nature of their trust mult render corrupt, and whose successors in office, such a trust continuing, mult, , from the very conftitutioa of human characters, be equally treacherous and equally formidable.

. Our author does not forget to fatter his sovereign with the hopes, that were his party once taken into favour, the purse of the people would be as prodigally sacrificed to every lust of capricious

grandeur grandeur and expence, as it is at present supposed to be, to the venal machinations of state policy. Such infamous flattery, could it have any effect on a wise and just sovereign, was fitter for the royal car than for public criticism.

The disappointments produced by the treachery of leaders, after any sharp, obstinate, or dangerous opposition to government, are very pernicious to the freedom of society, by the langour which the want of confidence must necessarily introduce in popular exer. tions. I would warn my countrymen from entering into any dangerous or even vigorous measures against the conduct of their present governours, without exacting a political creed from leaders, who, under the specious pretenfions of public zeal, are to all appearances* only planning schemes of private emolument and private. ambition.'

Mrs. Macaulay, we perceive, comes, in the close of her work, to call for a political crued from all candidates for office.

The writer, whom the criticises, has given his, and the female politician has advanced her own. The public will judge between them, and will be able to decide whether they are both UTOPIAN ; and, on the other hand, if both are practicable, which is the fittest to be adopted : Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites. The lady will excuse a scrap of Latin, when we affure her that no offence is intended.

Mrs. Macaulay's performance, upon the whole, is spirited and well written; and the public are obliged to her for taking the field against fo formidable ån antagonist as me has had to cope with ; whose arguments The has frequently refuted, and whose secret intentions she has often pointed out. We are convinced that Mrs. Macaulay, whether right in her reasonings of not, writes from principle ; and this is a compliment which cannot be paid to many political writers.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE. 14. The Constitution defended, and Penfoner exposed; in Remarks

on the False Alarm. 8vo. Pr. 18o Dilly. THIS political adversary makes his attack with, a' thew of re.

spect and moderation : but tho' his remarks are sometimes plausible and ingenious, they are seldom just or conclusive. 15. Æolus : or the Confitutional Politician ; with Remarks of a Bri.

ton on the Trial of the Irish Chairmen ; a gentle Reproof 10 tive Monthly Reviewers; and a free Conversation between an Ele&or and his Represent alive. 8vo. Pr. 35. sewed. Bladon.

The hero of this burlesque performance is Mr. Wilkes, who is represented in the attitude of Æolus, in Virgil Travestie. The ridicule, it may be imagined, is not of the most delicate kind : in the more argumentative parts, however, this letter is not deftitute of many just and rational observatioos, Çc 3

16. An

16. An Oration delivered by tbe Rov. Mr. Horne, at a numerous

Meeling of the Freeholders of Midalefex, asemblea at Mile-End Alembly-Room, March 30, 1770, to confider of an Address, Remonftrance, and Petition, to bis Majesty, &c. 8.00. Pr. 6d. Wheeble.

This oration, with an account of the proceedings at the time of delivering it, having already appeared in many of the news papers, as well as in some monthly publications, little need be said of it here. Mr. Horne has displayed no inconsi.. derable share of abilities as an orator ; and, in some instances, a degree of candor and moderation, which some people would hardly expect from him. We wish he had been consistent throughout, and displayed the same impartiality in his long account of the affair of St. George's Fields, and particularly of the consequent trials. He is very severe in his remarks upon a certain eminent personage of the law. But we confi. der these as invectives proceeding from the misguided zeal of party-rage; and doubt not but our readers will be of the same opinion. 17. A short Narrative of the horrid Masacre in Boston, perpe

grated in the Evening of the fifib Day of March, 1770. By Soldiers of the XXIXıb Regiment, which with the XIVtb Regia nient were oben quartered there : with some Observations on the State of Things prior to phat Catastrophe. To which is added, an Appendix, containing sbe several Depofitions referred 10 in tbe preceding Narrative; and also other Depositions relative to the Subjeet of it. 8vo. Pr. ?s. Bingley.

The design of this narrative, originally published at Boston, and of the every-way difinal print in the front, is evidently to enfiame, and keep up prejudices to their utmost extent. That unlucky affair, as if it had been a preconcerted conspiracy, like the Naughter of the Huguenots in France, and of the Protestants in Ireland, is dignified with the appellation of a pallacre. -As far as we are able to judge, amidst the mist and darkness in which it is involved by the heated passions of boih rides, it appears to have been purely accidental ; and to have been the consequence of the ill humour which had been long increasing between the townsınen of Boston, and the two reginents quartered there. But if credit can be given to a great in jority of affidavits, which are no fewer than ninety-lix in llumber, there can be no doubt that captain P and his party were guilty of wilful and premeditated murder : though it must be remembered, that when people are infamed to a certain degree, there is no difficulty in procuring evidences who will, even bona fide, prove any thing conformable to the prevailing disposition of the times.

18. Im

18. Innocent Blood crying to God from the Streets of Boston. A

Sermon occafioned by obe borrid Murder of Musicurs Samuel Gray, Samuel Maverick, James Caldwell, and Crispus Attucks, with Patrick Carr, fince dead, and Christopher Monk, judged irrecoverable, and several others badly wounded, by a Party of Troops under the Command of Captain Preston : On the fifth of March, 1770, and preached the Lord's Day following. By John Lathrop, A. M. Paffer of the Second Church in Boston. 410. Pr. is. Dilly.

In consequence of a ridiculous fray, wherein both parties were blameable, a general tumult ensues; and in the midst of confusion, fear, and passion, several people are killed. On the Sunday following, Mr. Lathrop preaches this discourse, which bears all the marks of a furious and intemperate zeal. • Innocent blood, says he, in the title, cries to God from the streets of Boston. In the motto, · Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it was cruel :' and in the Sermon, he exclaims in the following strain :

• If any one by design slay another, or any way cause an innocent person to be put to death, that innocent blood crieth unto God from the ground: it crieth for vengeance. It crieth to all who see it, or hear of its being shed. It crieth to the murderer himself, and requires him to submit to justice, and receive his punishment. It crieth to those that are witnesses, and requires them to give faithful teltimony of what they know. Whoever knows of murder, and does not give ioformation thereof, that the guilty may be brought to justice, will have innocent blood crying for vengeance to fall upon him. Innocent blood crieth to the magistrate, that the murderer be secured and brought to trial; it crieth to the judges, and requires that they see it avenged. And if innocent blood is not heard and avenged according to the ftri& requirements of the law of God and the laws of every good fyftem of civil government, it will continue to cry, not only against the murderer, but the government and land, which suffers inurderers to go unpunished.'

This language can only be paralleled by the harangues of the fanatical preachers in the days of Hudibras,

When gospel-trumpeter, surrounded

With long ear'd rout, to battle founded. The town-clerk of Ephesus *, by his conduct in a popular tumult, seems to have been a much wiser man, and more worthy of the character of a preacher of peace, than this pastor of the second church in Boston. * Acts xix.

19. Tbe

Cc4

19. Tbe Release of Barabbas; or, the Causes of popular Claw

mour and Discontent considered, in a Discourse on St. John, Cb, xviii. ver. 40. 480. Pr. 15. Baldwin.

The design of this discourse is to exemplify the pernicious effects of popular faction, by the conduct of the Jews, when they furiously insisted on the crucifixion of Christ, and the release of Barabbas. The stile of this writer is animated ; and his reflections seem to be the result of real philanthropy. 20. Four Letters, from John Philips of Liverpool, 10 Sir Wil. liam Meredith, on a very recent Occasion, 8-vo. Prils. Wheebie,

This publication arises from a private quarrel between these gentlemen. A challenge is implied, and the lie direct given to the b ot; but the world is left entirely in the dark, with respe&t to the nature of the offence, though it seems to have. been given in a certain assembly. 21. Usage of holding Parliaments, and of preparing and paffing

Bills of Supply, in Ireland, fated from Record, Publifoed by Authority, To which is added, Annotations, toget ber with an Address to his Excellency George Lord Viscount Townshend, Lord Lieutenant General and General Governor of Ireland. By C. Lucas, M. D. One of the Representatives of the City of Dublin in Parlement. Svo. Pr. is, Robinson and Roberts,

This publication relates to a dispute of the greatest consequence, in Ireland, Nill undetermined, and about which the minds of men are extreinely agitated. It would therefore be impertinent in us to pretend to determine. We shall only mention one circumstance, which Dr. Lucas asserts to be true, leaving the reader to draw his own inferences from it.

The pamphlet, on account of which door Lucas addresses lord Townthend, and to which he writes annotations, was originally advertised to be printed by the king's printer, and to be published by authority. It was actually princed, but never, properly speaking, published; for it appears to have been with difficulty that Dr. Lucas procured a copy of it, which he has reprinted and published-(with what view may be easily conjectured) in the manner set forth in the above title. 32, I be Summons for the 1816 of April, 1770. A Poers410,

Pr. Is. 6d. Steidel. A satirical summons for celebrating the enlargement of Mr. Wilkes ; well aimed, indeed, but not issued from the court of Parnassus. 33. Hector. A dramatic Poem. 410. Pr. 25. 6d. Flexney.

· This performance, considered merely as a poem, has many beauties ; but viewed in the light of a dramatic poem, may

be

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