affairs fhould be brought under the management or controu of any minifter, however able or upright, might not the fame. fate be reasonably apprehended? and that it would be deftructive of that trade and commerce, upon which the maritime power and riches, and, confequently, the fafety and welfare of this nation depend in fo eminent a degree? Were it even poffible that the riches of India could be brought into this country, through the hands of any minifter, they must inevitably be deftructive to the conftitution.'

XI. Thoughts on the Caufe of the prefent Difcontents. 4to. Pr. 2s. 6d. Dodfley.Hoc vero occultum, inteftinum domefticum malum, non modo non exiftit, verum etiam opprimit antequam perfpicere atque explorare potueris. Cic.

THE fubject of this pamphlet is announced to the reader in

the title-page: from the operation and influence of one particular evil, our author derives all the discontents which have of late gone abroad among the people. This is the principle and the scope of his pamphlet. Whether the reader will be satisfied with this ingenious writer's folution, is a point fomewhat problematical; but that he may judge for himself, we shall en deavour to give a compendious analyfis of the whole work, without interrupting the thread of the author's reasoning, by ftopping to combat any of the pofitions upon which we may happen to entertain a different opinion. When the fystem of this refined politician is once unfolded, the obfervations which we have to offer, may be comprised in a narrower compafs, and will perhaps throw a ftronger light upon the question.

It is an undertaking, fays our author, of fome degree of delicacy to examine into the caufe of public diforders. If a man happens not to fucceed in fuch an enquiry, he will be thought weak and vifionary. When the affairs of the nation are distracted, private people are, by the fpirit of the law, juftified in stepping a little out of their ordinary sphere.

To complain of the age we live in, to murmur at the present poffeffors of power, to lament the paft, to conceive extravagant hopes of the future, are the common difpofitions of the greatest part of mankind; indeed the neceflary effects of the ignorance and levity of the vulgar. Such complaints and humours have exifted in all times; yet as all times have not been alike, true political fagacity manifefts itself, in diftinguishing that complaint, which only characterizes the general infirmity of human nature, from thofe which are symptoms of the particular diftemperature of our own air and feason.

Our minifters are of opinion, that the encrease of our trade and manufactures, that our growth by colonization and by conqueft, have concurred to accumulate immenfe wealth in the hands of fonie individuals; that the infolence of fome from their enormous wealth, and the boldness of others from a guilty poverty, have

ren

rendered them capable of the most atrocious attempts. They contend, that no adequate provocation has been given for so spreading a difcontent: the wicked induftry of fome libellers, joined to the intrigues of a few disappointed politicians, have, in their opinion, been able to produce this unnatural ferment in the nation.'

Our author proceeds to make fome conceffions to government, before he affigns what he takes to be the cause of our discontents. He fays, Every age has its own manners, and its politicks dependent upon them; and the fame attempts will not be made against a conftitution fully formed and matured, that were used to destroy it in the cradle, or to refift its growth during its infancy.

The power of the crown, almost dead and rotten as prerogative, has grown up anew, with much more strength, and far lefs odium, under the name of influence.-At the Revolution, the court was obliged to delegate a part of its powers to men of fuch intereft as could fupport, and of fuch fidelity as would adhere to, its establishment. But as the title to the crown grew ftronger by long poffeffion, and by the constant increase of its influence, these helps have of late feemed to certain perfons no better than incumbrances. To get rid of all this intermediate and independent importance, and to fecure to the court the unlimited and uncontrolled use of its own vaft influence, under the fole direction of its own private favour, has for fome years paft been the great object of policy. A new project was therefore devifed, by a certain fet of intriguing men, totally different from the fyftem of adminiftration which had prevailed fince the acceffion of the house of Brunswick. This project, I have heard, was firft conceived by fome perfons in the court of Frederick prince of Wales.

The first part of the reformed plan was to draw a line which fbould feparate the court from the miniftry. Hitherto these names had been looked upon as fynonymous; but for the future, court and administration were to be confidered as things totally distinct : two fyftems of administration were to be formed; one which should be in the real fecret and confidence: the other merely oftenfible, to perform the official and executory duties of government.

Secondly, A party was to be formed in favour of the court against the miniftry this party was to have a large share in the emoluments of government, and to hold it totally feparate from, and independent of, oftenfible adminiftration. Parliament was to look on, as if perfectly unconcerned; while a cabal of the closet and back stairs was fubftituted in the place of a national administration,

His Majefty came to the throne of these kingdoms with more advantages than any of his predeceffors fince the Revolution. Fourth in defcent, and third in fucceffion. of his royal family, even the zealots of hereditary right, in him, faw fomething to flatter their favourite prejudices; and to juftify a transfer of their attachments, without a change in their principles.-The greatest weight of popular opinion and party connexion were then with the duke of Newcaftle and Mr. Pitt. Mr. Pitt was first attacked. Not fatisfied with removing him from power, they endeavoured by various artifices to ruin his character. The other party feemed rather pleased to get rid of fo oppreffive a fupport; not perceiving, that their own fall was prepared by his, and involved in it.

For the time were pulled down, in the perfons of the whig leaders and of Mr. Pitt (in fpite of the fervices of the one at the acceffion of the royal family, and the recent fervices of the other in the war), the tavo only fecurities for the importance of the people; power arifing from popularity; and power arifing from connexion. A new

party

party was formed called KING'S FRIENDS, or king's men, or in the technical language of the court, Double Cabinet; in French or Eng. lish, as you choote to pronounce it.

About four years ago, during the adminiftration of the marquis of Rockingham, an attempt was made (but without any idea of profcription) to break their corps, to discountenance their doctrines, and to revive connexions of a different kind.

It may appear fomewhat affected, that in fo much difcourfe upon this extraordinary party, I fhould fay fo httle of the earl of Bute, who is the fuppofed head of it. But this was neither owing to affectation nor inadvertence. I have carefully avoided the introduction of perfonal reflexions of any kind. Much the greater part of the topicks which have been used to blacken this nobleman, åre either unjuft or frivolous. This fyftem has not rifen folely from the ambition of lord Bute. We fhould have been tried with it, if the earl of Bute had never exifted; and it will want neither a contriving head nor active members, when the earl of Bute exifts no longer.

A plan of favouritism for our executory government is effentially at variance with the plan of our legislature.-It had always, until of late, been held the firft duty of parliament, to refufe to fupport government, until power was in the hands of perfons who were acceptable to the people, or while factions predominated in the court in which the nation had no confidence. Formerly this power of control was what kept minifters in awe of parliaments, and parliaments in reverence with the people. If the use of this power of control on the fyftem and perfons of adminiftration is gone, every thing is loft, parliament and all.-There is, in my opinion, a peculiar venom and malignity in this political diftemper beyond any that I have heard or read of.

The interior miniftry are fenfible, that war is a fituation which fets in its full light the value of the hearts of a people; and they well know, that the beginning of the importance of the people must be the end of theirs. Foreign powers, confident of the knowledge of their character, have not fcrupled to violate the most folemn treaties. Such was the conqueft of Corfica, by the profeffed enemies of the freedom of mankind, in defiance of those who were for merly its profeffed defenders. Such I call the ranfom of Manilla, and the demand on France for the East India prifoners.

If by any chance the minifters, who stand before the curtain, poffels, or affect any spirit, it makes little or no impreffion. Foreign courts and minifters know that those shadows of minifters have nothing to do in the ultimate difpofal of things. Of this nature was that aftonishing tranfaction, in which lord Rochford, our ambaffador at Paris, remonftrated against the attempt upon Corfica, in confequence of a direct authority from lord Shelburne. This remonftrance the French minifter treated with the contempt that was natural; as he was affured, from the ambassador of his court to ours, that these orders of lord Shelburne were not fupported by the rest of the (I had like to have faid British) administration. Lord Rochford, a man of fpirit, could not endure this fituation. The confequences were, however, curious. He returns from Paris, and comes home full of anger. Lord Shelburne, who gave the orders, is obliged to give up the feals. Lord Rochford, who obeyed thefe orders, receives them. He goes, however, into another department of the fame office, that he might not be obliged officially to acquiVOL. XXIX. April, 1770. X efce

efce in one fituation under what he had officially remonstrated against in another. At Paris, the duke of Choifeul confidered this office arrangement as a compliment paid to him: here it was spoke of as an attention to the delicacy of lord Rochford. But whether the compliment was to one or both, to this nation it was the fame.

Such has been the afpect of our foreign politics, under the influence of a double cabinet. In what manner our domestic œconomy is affected by this fyftem, it is needlefs to explain. It is the perpetual fubject of their own complaints.-When the people conceive that laws, and tribunals, and even popular affemblies, are perverted from their ends, a fullen gloom, and furious diforder, prevail by fits; the nation lofes its relish for peace and profperity, as it did in that featon of fullness which opened our troubles in the time of Charles I. Fierce licentioufnefs begets violent reftraints. The military arm is the fole reliance; and then, call your conftitution what you please, it is the fword that governs. The civil power, like every other that calls in the aid of an ally stronger than itself, perishes by the affiftance it receives. One mob is hired to deftroy another; a procedure which at once encourages the boldness of the populace, and juftly increases their difcontent. Men become penfioners of state on account of their abilities in the array of riot, and the discipline of confufion. These are the confequences inevitable to our public peace, from the fcheme of rendering the executory government at once odious and feeble, and inventing for it a new control, unknown to the conftitution, an interior cabinet; which brings the whole body of government into confufion and contempt.

The grand principle which first recommended this fyftem at court, was the pretence to prevent the king from being enslaved by a faction, and made a prifoner in his clofet.-But fuppofe we were to ask, whether the king has been richer than his predeceffors in accumulated wealth, fince the establishment of the plan of favouritilm? I believe it will be found that the picture of royal indigence which our court has prefented until this year, has been truly humiliating. If the public treasures had been exhaufted in magníficence and fplendour, this diftrefs would have been accounted for, and in fome meafure juftified. But the generality of people, it must be confeffed, do feel a good deal mortified, when they compare the wants of the court with its expences. Nothing expended, nothing faved. Their wonder is increafed by their knowledge, that befides the revenue fettled on his Majesty's civil lift to the amount of 800,000l. a year, he has a farther aid, from a large penfion lift, near 90,000l. a year, in Ireland; from the produce of the duchy of Lancatter (which we are told has been greatly improved); from the revenue of the duchy of Cornwall; from the American quitrents; from the four and a half per cent. duty in the Leeward Ilands; this laft worth to be fure confiderably more than 40,000 1. a year. The whole is certainly not much thort of a million annually. This produce the people do not believe to be hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is accounted for in the only manner it can, by fuppofing that it is drawn away, for the fupport of that court faction, which, whilft it diftreffes the nation, impoverishes the prince in every one of his refources.

If therefore, this fyftem has fo ill answered its own grand pretence of faving the king from the neceflity of employing perfons difagreeable to him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his Majesty's private hours? No, moit certainly. Is he more rich, or

more

more fplendid, or more powerful, or more at his eafe, by fo many labours and contrivances? Have they not beggared his exchequer, tarnished the fplendor of his court, funk his dignity, galled his feelings, difcompofed the whole order and happiness of his private life?

It remains, that we should confider, with a little attention, the operation of this fyftem upon parliament. In fpeaking of this body, I have my eye chiefly on the house of commons. The house of commons was fuppofed originally to be no part of the flanding government of this country. It was confidered as a control, illuing immediately from the people, and fpeedily to be refolved into the mafs from whence it arofe. Whatever alterations time and the neceflary accommodation of bufinefs may have introduced, this character can never be fuftained, unless the house of commons thall be made to bear fome stamp of the actual difpofition of the people at large. By this want of fympathy they would cease to be an house of com. mons. An addreffing houfe of cominons, and a petitioning nation; an houfe of commons full of confidence, when the nation is plunged in despair; in the utmoft harmony with minifters, whom the people regard with the utmost abhorrence; who vote thanks, when the public opinion calls upon them for impeachments; who are eager to grant, when the general voice demands account; who, in all difputes between the people and adminiftration, prefume against the people; who punish their disorders, but refuse even to enquire into the provocations to them; this is an unnatural, a monstrous ftate of things in this conftitution. Such an affembly may be a great, wife, awful fenate; but it is not to any popular purpose an houfe of commons.

It is very clear that we cannot free ourselves entirely from this great inconvenience; but I would not increafe an evil, because I was not able to remove it; and because it was not in my power to keep the house of commons religiously true to its first principles, I would not argue for carrying it to a total oblivion of them-In the laft feffion, the corps called the king's friends, made an hardy attempt all at once to alter the right of election itself; to put it into the power of the house of commons to difable any perfon difagreeable to them from fitting in parliament, without any other rule than their own pleasure.

A violent rage for the punishment of Mr. Wilkes was the pretence of the whole.-I will not believe, what no other man living believes, that Mr. Wilkes was punished for the indecency of his publications, or the impiety of his ranfacked clofet. I conclude that Mr. Wilkes is the object of perfecution, not on account of what he has done in common with others who are the objects of reward, but for that in which he differs from many of them: that he is purfued for the fpirited difpofitions which are blended with his vices; for his unconquerable firmnefs, for his refolute, indefatigable, ftrenuous refiftance against oppreffion.

We muit purpofely that our eyes, if we confider this matter merely as a contest between the house of commons and the electors. The true conteft is between the electors of the kingdom and the crown; the crown acting by an inftrumental house of commons. To compleat the fcheme of bringing our count to a refemblance to the neighbouring monarchies, it was neceflary, in effect, to destroy thofe appropriations of revenue, which feem to limit the property, as the other laws had done the powers, of the crown.