H. or R.] Removal of the Deposites. [DEC. 12, 1833. pend its money and time in aiding it, than it has been in said to be uncommonly good, with all the evidences of correcting misinformation, or repelling calumny. Upon general wealth about us, this country is struck with af proper grounds I shall never be opposed to inquiry. But fright and dismay, and in the midst of most abundant rewhat has a proposition to inquire, to do with the decision sources, there is apprehension and foreboding of the dark. of Congress upon the Secretary's letter? Is testimony to est kind for the future. What is the cause of all this? be obtained which was not submitted to him? Are facts to What is the reason that, in so short a time from a day of be alleged which he has not stated to be such? Are infer- ease and abundance, the best paper in our cities suffers a ences from either law or fact to be drawn, which he has loss of from 12 to 18 per cent. per annum discount? Is not drawn, and which, from his not communicating them, it the curtailment by the Bank of the United States? it must be understood that he has rejected? What is to Not at all. It is the uncertainty of the future. It is that be the consequence of such an inquiry, but to make this state of uncertainty in which every man desires to do what House act originally, and not derivatively, and possibly to he cannot do—make provision for the month that is to deprive the bank of the deposites, not by the act of the come, as well as for the present day: and out of this effort Secretary for the reasons of the Secretary, but by the act comes the alarm and the agitation. No man lends. No man of the Secretary for the reasons of the House? This is can borrow. Every one hoards, as in case of an invasion. not the mode of disposing of this question to which the Credit and security are shaken in all parts of the country. charter refers. The bank has a right to appeal to the Mr. B. said, in conclusion, that an immediate discussion House in its derivative and appellate character, and this of the topics connected with the subject, and action upon proposition to inquire further, is to bring the House into them, could not do otherwise than produce good. If the original action against the bank, without regard to the deposites are not to be restored to the Bank of the United charter. The bank must stand or fall by the Secretary's States, so be it. The bank, he said, was no more his reasons. If they are good, there is an end to the ques- concern, than that of any other man in the country. It tion; if they are bad, there is an end to it in anoth- was not for the bank he felt, but for himself, and those er direction. His act is the topic of inquiry; his reasons whose interests were in greater jeopardy than those of for it are the test, and if a new inquiry is to be made, up- the bank. To that institution the worst has been done on what principle can it be prosecuted, but that, by vir- that power can effect. She is now invulnerable, and her tue of other facts and reasons, after virtually annulling safety, and the safety of her stockholders, are beyond the Secretary's award, and agreeing that it was wrong, doubt. But there are other interests in the country, and this House may do the act themselves, by confirming an it is the duty of Congress to look to these. If any thing act that is invalid. is to be done, it must be done without delay. If the rem nant of the national deposite is to be arrested in the bank, a few days more may put it beyond the power of Congress. If the moneys intrusted to the State banks are to be reclaimed, a few short weeks may put them beyond the reach of the public and of the banks themselves. A day of embarrassment and alarm, is not the day in which the borrowers of a bank can restore the public money's that have been loaned to them. It is to the Committee of the Whole, then, and the discussion and decision to be there had, that the public now turn with interest, as much as any member of this House; and if nothing shall come from it but evil, the present fear is worse than the worst certainty that can happen. Who asks for further inquiry, said Mr. B.? Does the Secretary himself? Not at all. Such a request would have been suicidal. To say that he acted definitively, and yet wanted further light, would have been to say, that he acted in the dark. Who, then, can, who does ask it? The inquiry is an offence to that officer. It implies that he has not made it adequately, and that his allegations and reasonings are not good without further proof. Such a course this House ought not to sanction. The paper is there it is the record that presents the case for consider ation-the Committee of the Whole will be as competent to judge of it and to dispose of it, as well before as after inquiry, by a standing or select committee--and such a disposition of it will be in harmony with the charter. New Mr. McKINLEY said, that he bad supposed, after the facts would come in as irregularly upon this record, as explanation of the gentleman from Tennessee, there would new evidence to sustain the judgment of an arbitrator. not have been so much resistance to the motion for reThis narrow view, Mr. B. said, it was his duty to sub-consideration. Was there any thing so very extraordinary mit to the House. If the letter should remain before the in such a motion? Gentlemen were very desirous to know Committee of the Whole, as he trusted it would, there what could be the object of his friend in wishing to rewould be opportunity for discussion, and ultimately the consider. Surely the object had been distinctly arowed: House might give it the direction it should deem best. it was, that this paper should be referred to some compe There were cogent reasons why that discussion should be tent committee. It was contended that the whole subject immediate and large. There never was an occasion in might as well be discussed in Committee of the Whole: which there was a louder call for instant action by this but were gentlemen prepared to say that they would take House; and the necessity for this was an independent every statement the Secretary had made in his letter with reason for his desiring it to remain in Committee of the out investigation? His reasons were based upon stateWhole. The whole treasure of the nation was in a posi-ments of fact: were not these to be examined into? if tion altogether new, both as to control and security. The such was the proper course, where ought it to commence? protection of the appropriation clause in the constitution, in a Committee of the Whole House? Surely not. He unhas turned out to be altogether illusory, under a Treasury derstood the gentleman from South Carolina to express practice, which claims to take money from a place of safe- himself as ready to file a demurrer as to a part of the ty, and to pass it into any hand, and through as many statements of the Secretary, but not to the whole. Mr. hands, corporate or personal, as the Treasury Department McK. felt no apprehension that the state of the funds was may see fit. Such a condition of the Treasury, it is be- such as to impose the necessity of any hurry upon the lieved, will not be assented to by this people, when they House. If the real question was as to the sufficiency of shall be adequately informed of it. The practical secu- the Secretary's reasons, he asked whether the gentlemen rity of the State banks in which the public money is now were willing to send those reasons to one of the commit. placed--what is it? tees after the discussion had first taken place in Commit The transfer is made to various banks, and that is all tee of the Whole? The facts stated by the Secretary that this House knows through the Secretary's letter-their charters their capitals-their condition, are all alike unknown. Hence arise the agitation and alarm of the whole commercial community. In the midst of a crop, might be contradicted: would gentlemen begin the inves tigation by exciting a prejudice in the public mind? The proper course would be to let the subject go at once to a committee; and then, when that committee had reported, DEC. 12, 1833.] Removal of the Deposites. [H. OF It. to discuss it in Committee of the Whole. But there had lic deposites were lodged in banks of which the House been something said about the House ordering the depos knew nothing. Supposing any gentleman should now ites restored to the Bank of the United States: he wished introduce a resolution, empowering the Secretary of the to know where the House, or a Committee of the Whole Treasury to establish banks, as many as he pleased, and on the state of the Union, got the power to issue such an wherever he might think proper, and then to remove the order? He knew of no such power. If the gentleman Government deposites, and place them in these new banks, wished an inquiry with a view to the restoration of the was any body to be found who would vote for such a resodeposites, his course would be to begin in a standing com- lution? Yet precisely that state of things existed at this mittee, where the investigation could best be made into moment. The one Government bank had been multithe safety of the present places of deposite. Even should plied into he did not know how many, and might be into the House, on examination, finally disapprove of the re-three or four hundred. He should vote in favor of as moval, there must be some foundation laid for its action; early a settlement of the question as possible: the mateand it was the work of a committee to report a bill for rials to go upon were all collected by the investigating that purpose. He hoped the House would not, on this committee, and were as ready for the action of the ILouse or any other question, depart from its ordinary and es- now as ever they would be. The House, by the action tablished course of proceeding. He would not insist on of one of its own committees, had been put in possession having a standing committee: the subject might go to a of all the facts of the case. The Secretary bad stated select committee, if the House preferred: but it ought nothing which the committee had not long since stated certainly to go to one or the other before being discussed before him, and reported to the House. Had not the comin Committee of the Whole. mittee adverted to the expenditures by the bank on the Mr. CLAYTON said, as it was his intention to vote public printing?--and had they not said that this patronagainst the motion of the gentleman from Tennessee, it age went to affect the elections? What more was stated was due to his own peculiar situation, in respect to the now? All that the Secretary had stated only went to prove bank, to state his reasons for doing so. He was aware that the bank should never have been chartered in the that he should by some be held obnoxious to the charge first instance, but it did not show that the House ought of inconsistency in the course he should now pursue, be- not to act at once upon the subject of the deposites. Howcause he had last year voted that he did not consider the ever, as instructed by the Chair, Mr. C. was not, he said, deposites of the public money as safe in the Bank of the at liberty to give the reasons for the vote he should give United States. He was still of the same opinion: but it on this occasion: but when the main question should come did not follow that because he thought the public money up, he should be found in opposition, as he had ever been, was unsafe in the vaults of the bank, that he should not to the bank. In the mean while, on the question, wheththink it more unsafe at the bottom of the Potomac. Such er a single man could multiply banks at his own pleaswas his opinion then, and now. He gave up none of his ure, and to any extent, he was ready at once to vote: and opposition to the bank, because it was based on principle; on the question of restoring the deposites, he was also prebut it never should be used for mere party and political pared to vote; for it was better they should be in one purposes. He had ever been opposed to the bank, be-place, where they were somewhat unsafe, than in a huncause he believed it an unconstitutional incorporation, and dred places, where they were far more unsafe. because he held it inexpedient to connect the Government Mr. POLK should not fatigue the House by long speakwith any private corporation whatever. But if that were ing. He wished to notice one remark of the gentleman true, was it not equally true in reference to the hundred from Pennsylvania. Neither that gentleman, nor the genor the hundred and fifty corporations, to which, by the tleman from South Carolina, had gone so far as to admit voice of a single individual, the public funds had been the truth of every thing stated in the Secretary's letter. distributed? Such a measure made the State banks, pro They were willing to admit certain parts of those statetunto, United States banks, to all intents and purposes.ments. But what were these parts? And in a CommitIf the deposites were unsafe in the one, why were they tee of the Whole, where would be the means of verifying more safe in the other? The CHAIR here reminded the gentleman from Georgia that it was not in order to go into the merits of the general subject; the question was on reconsideration. Mr. CLAYTON said, he should always be willing to submit to the correction of the Chair; but, if he had heard aright what had been said by the gentleman from South Carolina, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania, they had both gone as much into the merits as he. men had been in order. or disproving such as they did not admit? The Secretary had been governed in his course by a variety of facts: some of them involved a vio'ation of the charter of the bank. It would not be admitted by the gentleman that his account of these was correct; and how were they to get at the truth. The gentleman from Pennsylvania had said that the action of the House in this matter was not original action, but action in review. Be it so; still action, of some kind, was required; no matter whether oriThe CHAIR replied, that the remarks of those gentle-ginal or not. The two gentlemen did not seem quite agreed in their ground. The gentleman from Pennsyl Mr. CLAYTON said he should submit. By taking the vania, [Mr. BINNEY,] had admitted that the deposites direction which the Chair seemed to wish, he should, oc- were safe where they were; the other, [Mr. McDUFFIE,] casionally, get in what he wanted to say. It was impor-considered them as in imminent peril. Was it not a great tant that this question should be settled at once. Let gen-object of inquiry to ascertain what was the actual State tlemen think on which side they might, all ought to be of the banks in which they were placed? Would it not be desirous of putting the question at rest as speedily as pos- desirable to have a list of their directors? a statement of sible. He laid this down as a general position, that all their capital? Surely this was one main object of inquiry: great revolutions in money concerns must produce great but was this to be done in a Committee of the Whole? injury, alarm, distress, and even bankruptcy, to thou-It was said by one of the gentlemen to be a question of sands, while they made princes of a few. public faith, and of the violation of a contract. Very well: The arrangement with the bank was a contract between could not a committee of the House inquire by which of the United States and that institution, and though he never the parties the contract was first violated? If it should could sanction the formation of the contract, yet, as it was turn out that it had been on the part of the bank, would made, the Government was bound by every principle of there be any breach of public faith in withdrawing the honor and honesty to abide by and support it. At pres- public moneys? But the gentleman had added, that the ent all was doubt and uncertainty. All the branches of public treasure was going out of the Treasury every day. the mother bank were seriously affected, and all the pub-From this Mr. P. was to infer that the bank was considered VOL. X.-137 H. OF R.] Removal of the Deposites. [Dec. 12, 1833. as the Treasury. Now, for his own part, he had always lina, [Mr. McDUFFIE.] He has said that the reasons staconsidered the public funds themselves as the substance ted by the Secretary were the sole subject of debate here, of the Treasury; and they might be transferred from one and that it was competent for the House to order the deplace to another, and yet no money go out of the Treas- posites to be restored: while the gentleman from South ury. Did money go out of the Treasury whenever it was Carolina had said that the deposites had been removed in removed from one room to another? the very face of an order of the House declaring that the This was surely a subject which most intimately con- Bank of the United States was a safe depository for them. cerned the revenue, and the public finances; and it had Mr. W. would now say, (what he was at the close of been concluded by gentlemen of very long experience the last session prevented from saying by the gentleman in public affairs, that what concerned the bank and what from South Carolina's calling on him the previous quesrelated to the Treasury, were as closely connected togeth- tion, a question Mr. W. intended to call before he resuer as body and soul. He remembered the strong ex-med his seat,) that he had voted against the resolution depression used by a gentleman on this subject on a former claring the bank a safe place of deposite, not because he occasion. But should no other ill consequence follow deemed it unsafe, but because he had been opposed to any from going with such a subject into a Committee of the action on the subject by this House until the Secretary to Whole, the protracted debate which must ensue, was of whom alone it pertained, had first moved in the matter. itself a sufficient objection. They would find them- Congress had no right to originate action on the subject selves completely at sea. Besides, the Secretary's facts at all. The bank had a right to retain the deposites until would be impugned, and both the bank and the Treas- the Secretary should think fit to remove them. The powury were entitled to an opportunity of having the truth er had been given to that officer, no doubt, with a view looked into. He had no wish to prevent the fullest dis- to protect the bank from hasty legislation. Thus it apcussion of the whole subject; but the Committee of the peared, that while one of the gentlemen thought this Whole was not the place to begin. House might legitimately declare the Bank of the United States a safe place of deposite, and thereon restore the public money to its vaults, the other held that the House must confine itself to passing on the reasons given by the Secretary for removing it. Why should the House depart from its own established rules in the course of this proceeding? What did the rule say? Mr. WAYNE next took the floor. Mr. W. said he should avoid entering into the merits of the main question, and should confine himself strictly to the point immediately before the House, viz. whether this paper should go to one of the committees of the House, or be discussed in Committee of the Whole. But in the few remarks he should submit, it would be necessary for him to offer an observation or two on the remarks of the gentlemen who had addressed the House. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. MCDUFFIE] had said that, in consequence of their removal from the Bank of the United States, the public deposites were now in a state of insecurity which did not attend them before. Now, what was this but as suming the whole question? Suppose a comparison should be made of the amount of capital in the State banks collectively, and in the Bank of the United States, what did gentlemen think would be the result? He would state to the House that there now existed an amount of capital, in such of the State banks as were in good credit, of one hundred and twenty millions. Yes: one hundred and twenty millions of capital, as good as that of the Bank of "In preparing bills of appropriations for other objects, the United States. The only reason why their paper had the Committee of Ways and Means shall not include apnot as extensive a circulation as that of the Bank of the propriations for carrying into effect treaties made by the United States was, that they had not enjoyed, like it, the United States; and, where an appropriation bill shall be exclusive confidence of the Government. Now, suppose referred to them, for their consideration, which contains the public deposites to be divided among those banks, was appropriations for carrying a treaty into effect, and for it therefore of necessity insecure? or less secure than if other objects, they shall propose such amendments as it had remained in the Bank of the United States? The shall prevent appropriations for carrying a treaty into ef business of these banks was done fully as well as that of fect being included in the same bill with appropriations the Government bank: and he asked gentlemen to put for other objects." “57. It shall be the duty of the Committee of Ways and Means to take into consideration all such reports of the Treasury Department, and all such propositions relative to the revenue, as may be referred to them by the House; to inquire into the state of the public debt or the revenue, and of the expenditure; and to report, from time to time, their opinion thereon; to examine into the state of the several public Departments, and particularly into the laws making appropriations of moneys; and to report whether the moneys have been disbursed conformably with such laws; and, also, to report, from time to time, such provisions and arrangements as may be necessary to add to the economy of the Departments, and the accountability of their officers. their finger on one of them which did not stand as high in Was not this subject "intimately connected with the the confidence of the public: and when they said that the revenue?" And supposing the revenue to be insecure, deposites there were insecure, they assumed the whole who ought to be the first to investigate it? If the subject question in debate. He would put it to gentlemen whe- remained in Committee of the Whole, he might be perther, if they doubted in respect to the standing of any of mitted to suppose a case, that the bank should put forth these banks, an inquiry into their solvency was not much a paper by which it should take the attitude of acting of fitter for a standing or select committee than for a Com-fensively; would such a paper come before a Committee mittee of the Whole House. of the Whole? That paper had been seen and read by Mr. W. said he was gratified that, in the struggle for every gentleman. Did it not contain the assertion of facts the floor, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BIN- which were the proper subjects for the action of the ComNEY] had succeeded in obtaining it. The gentleman had mittee of Ways and Means? He put it to the gentleman fully redeemed the very high reputation he had brought|from Pennsylvania, if such were not the case. The Secwith him to this place. Both his matter and manner had retary was not acquainted with some of these facts when greatly gratified Mr. W. But, in the gentleman's extra-he wrote his letter. Mr. W. concluded by calling for the ordinary anxiety to keep the discussion in Committee of previous question. the Whole, he had inadvertently disclosed the true rea- The CHAIR inquired whether the call was seconded son of his solicitude: it was, that the removal of the re-by the House; and on counting the votes, the ayes were maining deposites might be stopped. Another observa- found to be 104, the nocs 107. tion of the gentleman was at least wanting in concordance So the House refused to second the call for the previous with the sentiments of the gentleman from South Caro- question. DEC. 13, 16, 1833.] Bank of the United States.—Rules of the House. When, on motion of Mr. WATMOUGH, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 13. BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. The SPEAKER presented a memorial from Messrs. Gilpin, Sullivan, Wager, and McElderry, Government directors of the Bank of the United States, stating (as the Speaker announced) certain matters in relation to the conduct of that institution. Mr. POLK moved that it be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. WATMOUGH moved that it be referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. The latter motion having precedence by rule, was sta ted from the Chair. Mr. POLK demanded the yeas and nays upon agreeing to it; which were ordered by the House. Mr. ARCHER suggested that it would be better to let the paper lie for the present upon the table, until the question pending before the House, as to the reference of the report from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the same subject, should first have been settled; and he moved accordingly. Mr. POLK said, that, unless the gentleman from Virginia would consent to withdraw that motion, he should ask for the yeas and nays upon that also. Mr. POLK then advocated the reference of the paper [H. OF R. The yeas and nays being taken, on laying the memorial for the present on the table, stood as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, C. Allan, Archer, Ashley, Banks, Barber, Barnitz, Bates, Beale, Beaty, James M. Bell, Binney, Bouldin, Briggs, Bullard, Bull, Burd, Burges, Cage, Carmichael, Chambers, Chilton, Choate, Claiborne, William Clark, Clayton, Clowney, Corwin, Coulter, Crane, Crockett, Darlington, John Davis, Warren R. Davis, Amos Davis, Davenport, Deberry, Deming, Denny, Dennis, Dickson, Duncan, Ellsworth, Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Ewing, Felder, Fillmore, Foot, Foster, Fowler, P. C. Fuller, Fulton, Gamble, Gholson, Gilmer, Gordon, Gorham, Grayson, Grennell, Griffin, Hiland Hall, Hard, Hardin, James Harper, Hazeltine, Heath, Hiester, J. W. Huntington, W. C. Johnson, Seaborn Jones, Lay, Thomas Lee, Lewis, Love, |Martindale, Marshall, Mason, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Patton, Pinckney, Potts, Reed, Selden, William B. Shepard, Aug. H. Shepperd, William Slade, Sloane, Spangler, Stewart, Wm. P. Taylor, Philemon Thomas, Tompkins, Tweedy, Vance, Vinton, Watmough, Freder ick Whittlesey, Elisha Whittlesey, Wilde, Williams, Wilson, Young.-107. NAYS.-Messrs. John Adams, Heman Allen, John J. Allen, William Allen, Anthony, Baylies, Bean, Beardsley, Beaumont, John Bell, James Blair, John Blair, Bockee, Bodle, Boon, Brown, Bunch, Burns, Bynum, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, Samuel Clark, Clay, Connor, Mr. ARCHER said, that, if the gentleman from Ten- Cramer, Day, Philemon Dickerson, D. W. Dickinson, nessee wished to address the House, he would, at his re- Dunlap, Forester, W. K. Fuller, Galbraith, Gillet, quest, withdraw the motion, to afford him that opportu-Joseph Hall, T. H. Hall, Halsey, Hamer, Hannegan, J. nity; but should immediately after renew it. The motion M. Harper, Harrison, Hathaway, Hawkins, Hawes, Henwas accordingly withdrawn. derson, Howell, Hubbard, Abel Huntington, Inge, Jarvis, Noadiah Johnson, Cave Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Kavto the Committee of Ways and Means, as being the regu- anagh, King, Kinnard, Lane, Lansing, Laporte, Lawlar and invariable practice of the House in relation to all rence, Luke Lea, Leavitt, Loyal, Lucas, Lyon, Lytle, papers of the kind. The connexion between the Treas-J. K. Mann, Mardis, McComas, McIntire, McKay, McKim, ury and the bank was close and intimate. The Govern- McKinley, McLene, McVean, Miller, Robert Mitchell, ment had an interest in the bank, and that institution had Moore, Muhlenberg, Murphy, Osgood, Page, Parks, Parheretofore been the keeper of its funds; and the Govern- ker, Patterson, D. J. Pearce, Peyton, Franklin Pierce, ment had therefore reserved to itself the right of having Shinn, Charles Slade, Smith, Speight, Standefer, StodPierson, Polk, Pope, Ramsay, Rencher, Schenck, Schley, the appointment of a certain proportion of its directors, in order that, if they should come to the knowledge of any malpractices in the bank, they might apprize the Government thereof, which it was their duty to do. There was no reason why this memorial, coming from such a source, should receive a different direction from what was usual; and he hoped the House, by its vote, would now indicate what course of proceeding was to pre. vail in reference to this subject. Mr. FOSTER reminded the House that the President's message had not yet been disposed of. He thought it manifestly proper to let this paper lie on the table for the present, until the House should have completed the reference of the various portions of the Executive message. The memorial could, in the mean while, be printed, and the House would be better able to determine what course to give it. But sup dert, Sutherland, William Taylor, Francis Thomas, So the House refused to lay it on the table. The question being then put on referring the memorial the yeas were 96, and the nays 133. to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, So the House re fused the motion: and the memorial was then referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. MONDAY, DECEMBER 16. RULES OF THE HOUSE. Mr. ARCHER had not the slightest wish to give this paper any final disposition which should take it out of The amendment proposed by Mr. PATTON to the 9th the hands of the gentleman from Tennessee. rule of the House, requiring the Speaker to vote in all pose the House should determine that the Secretary's cases, and declaring when, including his vote, the House letter on the deposites should go to the Committee of the was equally divided, the decision should be taken as in Whole, would the gentleman desire this paper to take a the negative, coming up as the unfinished business— different course? As to calling for the yeas and nays, Mr. WAYNE went, at considerable length, into an arMr. A. said the gentleman ought to know him too well gument, in opposition to the amendment, in which he to suppose that the yeas and nays had any terror for him.repeated and further supported the objections he had He moved to lay the memorial on the table, and print it. Mr. POLK demanded the yeas and nays on the motion; which were ordered. Mr. SPEIGHT wished the question divided. It was divided accordingly, so as to take it separately on laying on the table and printing. urged when this subject was last up; insisting that the proposed alteration of the rule would go far to impair the judicial independence of the presiding officer of the House, by mingling him in all the partisan contests of the body. It would produce great embarrassment, by requiring him to decide, in case of appeals, in questions in H. or R.] Rules of the House.-Removal of the Deposites. [DEC. 16, 1833. which he had a personal concern-such as his own decis- Lansing, Lawrence, L. Lea, Leavitt, Joel K. Mann, Marions of points of order, &c.; and it would also render tindale, McComas, McIntire, McKay, McKim, McKinley, indispensable a number of other changes in the rules, McLene, McVean, Mercer, Milligan, Mitchell, Muhlenthe discussion of which would consume much time. Mr. berg, Murphy, Osgood, Page, Parks, Parker, Patterson, W. drew a picture of the arts and influence which would Dutee J. Pearce, Peyton, Franklin Pierce, Pierson, be brought to bear on a Speaker so situated, and con- Polk, Schenck, Schley, A. H. Shepperd, William Slade, cluded that the inevitable result would be to render him Charles Slade, Sloane, Spangler, Speight, William Taythe victim and the instrument of a powerful administra- lor, John Thomson, Turner, Turrill, Tweedy, Vandertion. He went into an examination of the powers of the poel, Van Houten, Ward, Wardwell, Watmough, Wayne, Speaker of the British House of Commons, and argued Whallon, C. P. White, E. D. White, Elisha Whittlesey, to show, that in taking the English rule as our model, Wise, Young.—121. we had not been governed by a slavish subserviency to precedent, but by a consideration of reason and expediREMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITES. ency. He adverted to cases in which the casting vote of the Speaker had been of very important and beneficial The unfinished business of yesterday next coming up, effect, and concluded with a complimentary tribute to viz. the question of reconsidering a vote of the House, Mr. PATTON's feelings, principles, and independence of by which the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in mind. relation to the removal of the deposites, had been referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union So the rule was not amended. Mr. PATTON replied, and insisted that the gentleman had not redeemed his pledge to point out the many rules that must be altered should the amendment prevail. Mr. ALLAN, of Kentucky, said he would follow the He denied totally that the change would render the example of the learned gentleman from Pennsylvania, Speaker any more a partisan than he would be under the [Mr. BINNEY,] and plead the deep interest which his imrules as they stood, and observed, that to expect an indi- mediate constituents felt in this investigation, as an apol vidual ever to reach that Chair who did not take a lively ogy for a short trespass on the time of the House. This interest on one side or the other, in all the action of the apology, he was sure, could come from none with more House, was futile. The Speaker would then be no more propriety than from himself, because the evils and calamia judge than now, of his own previous decisions, for he ties destined to flow from this unfortunate movement of had now to vote in case of a tie. And as to party influ- the Secretary of the Treasury, will fall upon the Western ence, the only direct form in which it would corruptly country with their heaviest pressure. No doubt that the influence a Speaker, was by leading him to miscount the great emporium of commerce, (Philadelphia,) so ably repvotes of the House, a supposition which was offensive, resented by that gentleman, and the other cities of the and not to be urged. As to his becoming the victim and East, will suffer much derangement in their commercial tool of an administration, he was by his station exposed operations; but they will still have the public deposites; to all influences of that sort, and changing the rule would they will still have the public money as a banking capineither impair nor increase them. Nay, by obliging him tal; they will still have a circulating medium founded to record his vote, he would be left less at liberty to shuf- thereon, But all those facilities will be swept from the fle and trim his course to please those in power. After Western country; and it is in that devoted region that the some further remarks— blighting influences of that measure will be mainly felt. The question was put on the proposed amendment, and decided as follows: The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, communicating to this House his reasons for withdrawing the YEAS.-Messrs. Heman Allen, John J. Allen, William puplic deposites from the Bank of the United States, Allen, Anthony, Archer, Banks, Barber, Barringer, Bates, was, as I think, very properly referred to the Committee Beale, Beaty, Beaumont, Bouldin, Burd, Burges, Carmi- of the Whole House on the state of the Union. The chael, Carr, Chaney, Chilton, Chinn, Claiborne, Clayton, chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. Clowney, Corwin, Coulter, Crockett, Darlington, War. POLK] moved to have the vote of reference reconsidered, ren R. Davis, Amos Davis, Davenport, Deming, Denny, with a view that the subject may be sent to the commitDunlap, Evans, Horace Everett, Foster, Fowler, Fulton, tee over which he presides. Mr. A. said that he was opGalbraith, Gamble, Gholson, Gordon, Grayson, Grennell, posed to the reconsideration, because, if regard be had Griffin, Joseph Hall, Hannegan, Hardin, James Harper, either to the nature of the subject, or the time when it Harrison, Hazeltine, Heath, Henderson, Hiester, Howell, ought to be discussed, he was satisfied that the reference Jabez Huntington, W. C. Johnson, Kinnard, Laporte, of it ought not to be changed. If the report of the SecLay, Lee, Lewis, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, Marshall, Mardis, retary be sent to the Committee of Ways and Means, it Mason, McCarty, McKennan, Miller, Moore, Patton, will be buried for weeks, and perhaps for months; if it Pinckney, Pope, Potts, Ramsay, Reed, Rencher, W. B. remained before the Committee of the Whole House, its Shepard, Shinn, Standefer, Stewart, Stoddert, Suther-discussion will be public and immediate. Mr. A. said it land, William P. Taylor, Philemon Thomas, Tompkins, was due to the country, it was due to public expectation, Vance, Vinton, Wagener, Webster, Frederick Whittle that every step the House takes, in this business, should sey, Wilde, Williams, Wilson.—96. be in the face of the country. NAYS.-Messrs. John Quincy Adams, John Adams, From the nature of the question involved in this inChilton Allan, Ashley, Barnitz, Baylies, Bean, Beards-quiry, there is no necessity for the preliminary action of ley, John Bell, James M. Bell, Binney, James Blair, a private committee. It is the province of a committee Bockee, Bodle, Boon, Briggs, Bull, Bunch, Burns, By in ordinary business to attend to its details, to collect num, Cambreleng, Casey, Chambers, Choate, Samuel facts, and to accumulate evidence. But the questions Clark, William Clark, Clay, Connor, Cramer, Crane, involved in this inquiry, are of a fundamental character, John Davis, Day, Deberry, Dennis, Dickson, Philemon relating to the extent of the powers of the different deDickerson, David W. Dickinson, Duncan, Ellsworth, partments of the Government, to the care and custody Edward Everett, Fillmore, Foot, Forester, Philo C. Ful- of the public treasure, to the securities of commerce and ler, William K. Fuller, Gillet, Gilmer, Gorham, Hiland labor. Hall, Thomas H. Hall, Halsey, Hamer, Joseph M. Har. Sir, is it necessary to have the intervention of a comper, Hathaway, Hawkins, Hawes, Hubbard, Inge, Jarvis,mittee to enlighten this House on such questions as these Richard M. Johnson, Noadiah Johnson, Cave Johnson, From the magnitude of these questions, the most imSeaborn Jones, Benjamin Jones, Kavanagh, King, Lane, portant that will engage the attention of the present |