JUNE 24, 1834.] Memorials from Ohio and Connecticut.—New Hampshire Resolutions. [SENATE. an appropriation of $500 for the trustee having charge of large, numerous, and admirably well-conducted. Flourthe appropriations made for the library, (the Register of ishing and beautiful villages had consequently sprung up the Treasury.) in various parts of the county, with gratifying and won The proposition was opposed by Mr. WEBSTER, be-derful rapidity, furnishing a ready and good market for cause it had been considered and disapproved by the its agricultural productions, and stimulating and richly Committee on Finance, not but that the officer was very rewarding that great branch of industry, by which the meritorious and praiseworthy, but that the precedent aspect of that section of Connecticut had been highly immight be productive of numerous claims of a similar proved and its inhabitants enriched. But he was sorry character, for past and future services. to be informed, that, in this county, which was so pros Mr. WILKINS gave notice that he should on to morrow, after the reading of the Journal, move the Senate to go into the consideration of Executive business. There being a loud call to move now, Mr. WILKINS said that, although he should prefer going into Executive session to-morrow, he would, in compliance with the general wish, move that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of Executive business. The motion was agreed to-yeas 22, nays 19. After some short discussion, the motion was negatived. perous until near the close of the last year, an unfortu On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the bill was then post-nate change had taken place, and to learn, even in the poned, and made the special order for to-morrow. present week, that the work of destruction was fearfully and lamentably progressing. He was authorized to state that about eleven thousand spindles had been stopped in the county, and that mercantile confidence is destroyed, industry paralyzed, labor denied its customary reward, and actual want felt in the recent abodes of comfort and ease, while the hopes of the manufacturer are sorely disappointed. Accustomed to examine, deliberate, and judge for themselves, the memorialists have formed, and unequivocally express, the opinion, that nothing can reestablish public confidence and credit, animate the desponding, and restore to the farmer his late prosperity, to the mechanic his spirit of honest enterprise, to the manufacturer his hopes and activity, and to all classes in the community the rich and varied blessings which they recently enjoyed, but the return of the public deposites to Mr. MORRIS said, he had been requested to present the re-charter of the national bank, or the incorporation the place whence they have been wrongfully taken, and the proceedings of meetings in six different counties in of a new bank, upon such principles as will give and seOhio, on the subject of the bank and the Executive. cure to the country a safe and well-regulated currency. They approve the course of the Executive in opposition Looking to national legislation alone for relief, they ask to the bank, and were all couched in the same language, the prompt exertion of the constitutional powers of Conthat was, they expressed the same sentiments. These counties were among the most respectable in Ohio, both in population and intelligence, and they stretched across the State, from the west to the extreme east. Mr. M. would not occupy the time of the Senate with further remarks, except to say, that they contained sentiments which he approved; nor would he ask for their reading, except the proceedings from the county of Hamilton. TUESDAY, JUNE 24. The long proceedings from this county were partly read, and the whole were referred and ordered to be printed. gress to accomplish these great and desirable objects, and to rescue the nation from the deplorable consejudgment, was commenced, and can only be carried forquences of an Executive experiment, which, in their ward, by the assumption and exercise of a prerogative which infringes the rights and privileges of the other departments of the Government, and endangers the interests and liberty of the people. The memorials were referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed. NEW HAMPSHIRE RESOLUTIONS. Mr. HILL moved to take up the resolutions of the New Hampshire Legislature, which were yesterday laid on the table, in the alleged absence of any authority for him to present them. Mr. HILL. WINDHAM COUNTY (CONN.) MEMORIAL. Mr. TOMLINSON presented the memorials of about 1,600 citizens of Windham county, in the State of Connecticut, complaining of the general stagnation of business, and the pecuniary embarrassments and distress occasioned by the removal of the public funds from the cusMr. President, my colleague said yestertody of the United States Bank, and the unwise and dis-day that he knew where these resolutions came from; astrous interference of the Executive with the currency that they came from this city. If he knows this, he and labor of the country. Information from gentlemen knows more than I do. Mr. POINDEXTER objected; it was not in order for an honorable Senator to discuss the subject on a question of taking it up. If it was necessary, the Senator could say what reason there was to take up the resolutions; but to discuss the merits of the subject was out of order. in whom he perfectly confided, Mr. T. said, warranted Messrs. CLAY and EWING objected to these remarks the belief that there is not among the numerous memo-as being out of order. rialists a single individual who is not a voter, and that the Mr. HILL wished to assign the reasons for taking up sentiments expressed by them are in coincidence with the resolutions, and began again with his speech. those entertained by more than three-fourths of the electors of that respectable and influential county. At this period of the session, Mr. T. said, he did not propose to occupy the precious time of the Senate by asking that the papers be read, nor by detailing their contents, and making the extended remarks which, under other circumstances, the interesting subjects discussed in them would doubtless justify. He deemed it proper, however, to Mr. POINDEXTER moved to lay Mr. HILL'S motion state for the information of the Senate, that Windham is on the table, and this motion requiring unanimous consent, an inland county, abounding in water power, which has Mr. HILL would not give way, but again began his been made to contribute largely to its substantial pros-speech. The VICE PRESIDENT said it was impossible to anticipate what the remarks of the Senator would be. perity and wealth. In this county the manufacture of Mr. CLAY called the gentleman to order-it was not cotton was long since commenced, and had been pursued, in place for the honorable member to reply to his coluntil lately, with great success. Having had the satisfac-league, on a motion to take up the resolutions. tion of repeatedly visiting that county, he could say that Mr. BENTON made a few remarks, most of which the manufacturing establishments there located were were inaudible. VOL. X.-130 SENATE.] New Hampshire Resolutions.-Public Lands. Mr. CLAYTON said, that one of the Senators from Pennsylvania, and the Senator from New Hampshire not now in his seat, had, to use a common phrase, paired off. The honorable Senator from Pennsylvania having occasion to leave the city, had prevailed upon the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, who was of opposite views, to vacate his seat also for the remainder of the session. Mr. HILL. My colleague said, yesterday, that he knew where the resolutions came from. If he knows this, he knows more than I do; and if he turns public instructer in New Hampshire, he will meet, in the author of the resolutions, a gentleman who will be his equal. Mr. POINDEXTER again rose to order. Mr. HILL. My colleague said that the resolutions were got up by the sons of old tories Mr. EWING begged to call the gentleman to order. Mr. SHEPLEY wished to have the consideration of the question taken up. Mr. WEBSTER wished to follow out the strict parliamentary rule. The CHAIR. The gentleman from New Hampshire will sit down. Mr. BELL, who had come into the Senate Chamber, re-stated what Mr. CLAYTON had told the Senate, and thought, under the circumstances, that it was improper for him to enter into any discussion. PUBLIC LANDS. [JUNE 24, 1834. Mr. POINDEXTER moved to take up the resolution offered by him the other day, relative to the sitting of a committee, during the recess of Congress, for the purpose of taking testimony upon the subject of frauds on the public lands. Mr. WRIGHT offered an amendment, to the effect that the examinations of the committee should be conthat they went from this city. All I can answer, is, that if he knows this, he knows more than I know. When he returns to New Hampshire, and there takes the field as a political gladiator, as he has promised us, I am inclined to believe, that he will meet an antagonist in the author of these resolutions, who will convince him that the sole object of his political troubles and his fears, sojourns not now in the Federal city. My colleague says the resolutions were introduced, and advocated, in the Legislature, by the sons of old tories. [Here Mr. H. having been repeatedly interrupted, sat down.] One of the expedients of himself and his party ever has been, to single out the very few belonging to the democratic party, who have been allied to tory and old federal families, as themes of reproach. My colleague cannot even claim the merit of origiset on edge because their fathers have eaten sour grapes. The nality in making this discovery. The children's teeth are not two gentlemen in the New Hampshire Legislature, assailed by my colleague, (Messrs. Gove and Atherton,) are not the less esteemed because they sprung from the party to which my colleague belongs--because their fathers were his political associates. These men are both his juniors in years. Whatever YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Forsyth, Grundy, they now are, they have never made pretensions to be any thing Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King of Alabama, King of Geor-else; whatever they may be, I trust the mutations of my colgia, Leigh, Linn, Moore, Robinson, Shepley, Tallmadge, league will not be taken as their pattern. If my colleague would brand the great majority of the Legislature and people White, Wilkins, Wright.-18. that Legislature, and not of his party, who bear the names of of New Hampshire as tories, let him reflect that there are of Thomas Jefferson and John Langdon, the sons of whig fathers, who never disgraced their names or their sires; and that if they deserve the name of tories, the whole political world must be turned upside down. The question was then taken, on again taking up the resolutions, and negatived by the following vote: NAYS.-Messrs. Bibb, Black, Calhoun, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Kent, Mangum, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Silsbee, Smith, Southard, Sprague, Swift, Tomlinson, Tyler, Waggaman, Webster.-26.* [From the Globe.] you But a rank offence against the dignity of this body has been committed by the introduction of these resolutions. My col*Mr. BLAIR: Having been interrupted at four several league says the presentation was "altogether gratuitous--untimes, by Messrs. Clay, Ewing, and Poindexter, this morning, asked and uncalled for." He was backed by the Senator from in a simple attempt to do justice to a large majority of the Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) who said the consideration of people of New Hampshire, have written out, and ask these resolutions presented a grave question for the decision of to insert in the Globe, the remarks I intended to make on the the Senate! They had been read in our hearing, and that could Occasion of asking for a consideration of the resolutions yester-not be taken back; but they were not addressed to the Senate, day laid on the table, on motion of Mr. Webster, passed by but to Senators, and therefore ought not to be received. Althe Legislature of New Hampshire, approving of the course of though I know these resolutions, certified by the hand of the the President, and disapproving of the conduct of the United Secretary of State of New Hampshire, to be sent here directly States Bank, and the course of the Senate of the United States for the purpose of presentation; although I know it to be the in condemning, without hearing or trial, the President of the intention of the legislators who passed them that they should be United States, and instructing their Senators to vote for ex- presented, I must confess that for a moment the idea flitted punging the obnoxious resolution from the Journal of the Sen- across my mind that I had been guilty of some impropriety in ate. It is proper to remark, that the Senator from Massachu-presenting them, when I saw the Secretary looking into the setts, (Mr. Webster,) after acknowledging that it was a com-body of the resolutions to discover whether or not there was a mon practice to present resolutions to the Senate as these reso-request they should be presented. I immediately recurred to lutions were by me presented, without an especial vote of the the last year's Journal, to see if I had a precedent. The first Legislature for that purpose, and that he had no objections to page I opened presented me certain resolutions of the Legistaking up the resolutions and disposing of them in the usual way, voted against taking them up! The motion to take them up was rejected (tantamount to voting not to receive them) by a party vote. SENATE CHAMBER, June 24, 1834. ISAAC HILL. lature of Massachusetts relative to the measures of South Carolina and adverse to the tariff bill. I found these addressed chusetts--but no request was made that they should be preto the Senators and Representatives in Congress from Massasented. By the side of them I found resolutions from the Legislature of Missouri against re-chartering the United States Bank--and no request that they should be presented. Both sets of resolutions were presented, read, received, and ordered to be printed. Senators in both cases presented them on their own responsibility. Remarks of Mr. Hill, in Senate, June 24, 1834. When my colleague, Mr. Bell, yesterday, made his ouset upon the New Hampshire resolutions, I had no idea it was a shot and a retreat. He has, I am informed, left us, and no Recurring to the procedings of the present session, how many leave of absence yet asked, and much the most important busi-resolutions and public addresses of meetings have been preness of the session to be yet performed. He has paired off, as they sented to both branches of Congress, cut from the columns of call it, and, therefore, his party loses nothing by his absence. some newspaper, without a request from the meetings that they He has gone, but not for good. If he lives he will come back should be presented? I hold in my hand the printed resolutions again-he is too much of a Yankee, and too little of the Vir-of the Legislature of Massachusetts in favor of the restoration ginian, not to hold on and be back here on the 1st of December next--for he knows full well that this is his last chance, and that New Hampshire will never send him here again. My colleague says he knows whence these resolutions came; of the deposites, and of re-chartering the Bank of the United States of the present year. These resolves, by vote of the Legislature, were sent to the Senators and Representatives in Congress from that State; but no request was made to present JUNE 24, 1834.] Public Lands.-Kent County (R. I.) Proceedings. ducted by set interrogatories; which interrogatories should be printed and transmitted to the individual about to be called before the committee; that such person should also have permission to cross-examine the witnesses, and bring forward their own, if necessary. Mr. POINDEXTER said, the amendment would have the effect of defeating the whole intent and purpose of the resolution. In order, however, that both might be fully considered and understood, he would move that they be laid on the table and printed. Motion agreed to. KENT COUNTY (R. I.) PROCEEDINGS. Mr. ROBBINS presented the proceedings and resolutions of a meeting of citizens of Kent county, Rhode Island, disapproving of the measures of the Executive in relation to the public finances and the Bank of the United States, and praying Congress for redress. [SENATE. man and fellow citizen; a name that is but another name for all that is great and sublime in human character; whose fame, from the moment it first broke upon the world, to the end of his glorious career therein, was so elevated as to be above the reach of envy--a felicity peculiar to Washington in all the history of human greatness. For who else in that immortal roll but Not one. "Comperit inviduam supremo fine domari?" This interesting county is but of small extent, containing only four towns, and these only about twelve thousand inhabitants. This people are almost exclusively engaged in the business of agriculture and manufactures; and their pursuits, animated as they have been by the spirit of enterprise, and guided by the lights of intelligence, have been attended with great success. They have over thirty different manufacturing establishments On presenting the above proceedingswithin their narrow limits, and about two millions of fixed Mr. ROBBINS said: I am charged with, and rise to pre-capital invested in them; they were moving about eighty sent certain resolutions on the subject on which so many thousand cotton spindles, and were expending in the resolutions and memorials to Congress have been present- wages of manual labor about four hundred thousand doled at the present session; and which, as it now appears, lars annually. But now, more than one-third of these might as well have been addressed to the dull cold ear of works are suspended, and that proportion of laborers disdeath. missed from employment; the residue, though continued, These resolutions come from the people of Rhode are continued at a loss, and their progress is from bad to Island, inhabitants of the county of Kent, in that State; worse. This is their condition, their present condition, a county that has connected with it many interesting as- as they tell us themselves. But the honorable gentleman sociations; among others that arising from its being the from Missouri, who, it seems, knows their situation better birth-place and residence of that revolutionary hero, who than they do themselves, tells them in his place here, that stood, in the mind of his country, as heir apparent to the they are under a great mistake in this matter; that, comcommander-in-chief of her revolutionary armies, had it pared with the average of late years, they never were in been ordained by Providence that the war should outlast a more active and prosperous condition than they now are. the life of her Washington, (blessed be God, it was not so Indeed! Then it must be that these capitalists, who really ordained!) I allude to General Greene, a name that throws believed that they had suspended their operations, and an interest over the place of his nativity, and those early had dismissed their laborers, were in a state of hallucinascenes, where that great mind, in the shade of retirement, tion; no such thing had taken place; every spindle was in and in the modesty of unconscious genius, by his own cul-motion as before; and every hand was at work as before. ture, grew up to those capacities which fitted him for And these poor laborers, who really believed that they those brilliant parts which he afterwards enacted on the were out of employ, and that in consequence thereof theatre of the revolutionary war. An interest not unlike, their families were suffering the privation of the necesthough less intense, yet not unlike that connected with saries of life, were in no such condition; they were still Mount Vernon; which no American beholds without emo-in full employ, at full wages; and their families were still tion, without saying in his secret thoughts and in his pride well fed, well clothed, and enjoying all the comforts of of heart, this was the home of Washington, my country- life they had ever known. They saw, as they believed, their water-wheels at the falls, on their water-courses, them in this body. They were presented; but the grave ques-stopping here, and there, and everywhere; and their estion whether they should be received, was not mooted. tablishments silent and deserted; but it was all an optical Until this time, I believe, it was never doubted that the communication of these and similar resolutions to a Senator or Rep-illusion. But this mania, this astonishing mania, that has resentative in Congress, was considered an implied request to produced these delusive phantoms, these optical illusions, present them to the branch to which such Senator or Repre- how is that to be accounted for? Why, the same honorasentative belonged. ble Senator tells us, it is to be accounted for by a panic "A grave question is presented for the decision of the Sen- speech, made here upon the floor of this Senate. ate!" If I had been a member of Congress from ten to twenty no conjurer, no sorcerer, no magician, that ever was, can years, and made before the Senate such a "grave question," compete with your panic speech. The enchanter's rod when hundreds of precedents to the contrary were staring me in the face, I would at once have resigned the office of political leader; I would no longer undertake to school younger members for a dereliction of duty. Then the exhibition of the specious miracle to be wrought upon operates only by contact; the patient must be present, for him; but the potent spell of the panic speech, though "The paper cannot properly be received by the Senate!" pronounced here in this Capitol, is felt to the extremities Will the Senator from Massachusetts turn out of doors the of this Union; at the sound thereof, every where the opinions of more than thirty thousand free electors of New whole country is struck aghast with imaginary distresses. Hampshire, as expressed by their representatives, if they shall And the magical effect is no less astonishing, by the length not square with his own opinions, by creating a frivolous objec-of its duration, than by the extent of its operation. It is tion to the manner of their presentation? Is not the responsi- now six months since this country has been spell-bound bility of a member of this body, representing those persons, by it, and kept under this strange and miserable delusion. worth something? Is the native State of the Senator become so degenerate that her opinions are not to be suffered an enfrance here? Or does precedent in this body furnish a rule that excludes one side of the question, while the body is a general receptacle of every thing that appears on the other side? I must insist, that in the presentation of these resolutions, I have only followed the example of Massachusetts Senators themselves; and that, if it was their right that those resolutions should be received, so it is my right that these resolutions shall be received. But irony apart; that honorable gentleman tells this country-and with a nota bene that it is not lightly said, but upon his dignity as a Senator, and his honor as a private gentleman-that their distresses, whether real or imaginary, or partly one and partly the other, have all passed away; and that the prosperity of the country, compared with the average of late years, was never greater than it now is. The country, no doubt, has great respect for that gentleman; but I doubt whether they will give SENATE.] Claims for lost Property.-Respect to Lafayette.—Indian Appropriations. [JUNE 25, 1834. him entire credit for the correctness of this statement, of that policy, it would cost more than the annuity which contradicted as it is by the evidence of their own senses, was appropriated, to regain the confidence of these Inand by the still better evidence of their own bitter expe- dians. Besides, by the means adopted, the money was never paid to them. rience. They will tell him that they have seen with their own eyes, and felt by their own experience, the currency of the country to be deranged, totally deranged, by the arbitrary act of the Executive thereon, and all its attendant evils-the confidence of the capital of the country to be thereby destroyed; and with the confidence, the credit, and with the credit, the business, and with the business, the prosperity of the country, to be destroyed; and that these disastrous consequences of that arbitrary act of power still remain upon the country; and must remain, unabated and unmitigated, while the cause remains as it does, unremoved and unremedied. Mr. WHITE said, that with regard to the Cherokees, their money had not been paid for some years; but the other tribes wished their money to be thus distributed. There was a danger, in paying the money to the chiefs, that the other Indians were cheated out of their money. He thought that a general rule of that kind would throw the money into the hands of the chiefs, and the common Indians would get nothing. The amendment would apply to the Cherokees, but not to the Indians generally. Mr. SPRAGUE knew it to be a fact, that the annuity to the Cherokees had not been paid for several years, because the Government made a change as to the persons or the corporations who were to receive it. It seems now to be finally settled, that the cause is not to be removed, and that the country is not to be relieved, If the treaty were to be kept with the Cherokees, the either by the action of the Executive, or of Congress. money ought to be paid. There had been no treaty with The country must now be aware of this fact; and they individuals; the treaty was to pay them as a corporate will now no longer feed themselves with delusive hopes body. The obligation was not discharged by refusing to from that quarter. They must now see that the only pay their authorized agent, any more than the obligation remedy for their grievances is to be found in themselves, and to be applied by themselves. "To your tents, then, O Israel!" The proceedings were then referred in the usual way, and ordered to be printed. On motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, Ordered, That the meetings of the Senate, in future, be at ten o'clock A. M. until the end of the session. After the first and second readings and reference of a number of bills from the House of Representatives, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of Executive business, and after spending some time therein, adjourned. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25. CLAIMS FOR LOST PROPERTY, &c. The bill to provide for the payment of claims for property lost, captured, or destroyed by the enemy, while in the military service of the United States during the late war with Great Britain, and the Indian wars subsequent thereto, and for other purposes, was taken up, on motion of Mr. KING, of Alabama. After some conversation between Messrs. KING of Alabama, CALHOUN, and TIPTON, On motion of Mr. CALHOUN, the bill was laid upon the table; yeas 19, nays 16. RESPECT TO LAFAYETTE. Mr. WEBSTER, from the select joint committee appointed to consider and report by what tokens of respect and feeling it would be proper to manifest the deep sense of the nation on the afflicting intelligence of the death of General Lafayette, made a report, which he said he would not ask for the reading of, as the Senate would probably consider the resolution of the House on that subject in the course of the morning. INDIAN APPROPRIATIONS. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the bill making appropriations for Indian annuities, and for other purposes, for the year 1834. of the French treaty would be discharged by the Govern ment of France sending over agents to this country, and undertaking to pay to every individual citizen whatever his share would amount to. He thought that any thing in a treaty with a community, ought to be paid to them as a community, and to refuse to pay them so, was a mere evasion and violation of the treaty, and a refusal to pay them their stipulations. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN agreed to modify his amendment by striking out "Indian tribes," and inserting "the Cherokees east of the Mississippi." He argued that the money ought to be, and formerly was, paid to the chiefs. They had a general treasury; and the withholding of it was a fruitful source of discontent. It had arisen from our prejudices, which had taught us to look upon them as not fit to take care of their own property. Mr. FORSYTH said, the original proposition of the Senator from New Jersey was a very simple one; it was to the effect that the Government had no right to go be yond the corporate character of the Indians. The hon. orable Senator's present proposition, however, abandoned this ground; he now left out of the question the great body of the Cherokees, and confined himself to a particular tribe of that nation. He now exerted himself solely on behalf of the Cherokees on the eastern side of the Mississippi; why were those on the western side neglected by the honorable Senator? Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN would willingly extend his proposition so as to take in the Cherokees on the western side of the Mississippi. Mr. FORSYTH was against the proposition in both cases. Mr. FORSYTH continued: Why was this distinction made between the Indians on the east and those on the west of the Mississippi? It was because the individuals who composed the council of the former, wanted possession of this money. None but these persons had complained or sent petitions to the Government; they would not suffer the common Indians, over whom they had any influence, to come forward and receive their annuities, until the money had been placed for division in their (the chiefs') Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN moved, as an amendment, hands. Now if this latter disposition of the money were that the appropriation to be made by this act, shall be made, what would be the consequence? What would be made to the chiefs of the tribes. He stated, that until the done with it? Why, a part of the annuity had already present administration came into power, the appropria- been expended in the purchase of a press, and this would tions were made to the chiefs, since which, it had been be done again if the present arrangement of the Governordered to be paid to the individuals of the tribes. This ment were interfered with. Was this just to the poor Inmode of distributing the money was attended with much dian, who frequently had not a blanket to cover his naindividual inconvenience. It was to be distributed through kedness, or a morsel of food to put into his mouth? If this tribes scattered over two hundred miles of territory. It money got into the treasury of the council, it would never had not been satisfactory to the tribes; and in consequence reach the destination which was originally intended. The JUNE 25, 1834.] Indian Appropriations.-Respect to Lafayette. [SENATE. council wanted money to travel about; to come to the seat length of getting an alphabet! they had even infringed of Government and present petitions against the Execu- upon old Dilworth, and got up a spelling-book: they had tive of the United States, and in this way the annuity also printed the New Testament. Mr. F. concluded by would be expended. saying that he hoped the poor and despised Cherokee would yet rise to a level with the people of this country, and set an example which should bring a blush upon the cheek of the latter at the remembrance of former proceedings. He Mr. TIPTON made some observations in opposition to the amendment, and in favor of the manner in which this matter was at present regulated by the Government. Mr. SPRAGUE said, he had as yet heard nothing in answer to the objection which he had made as to the Mr. FORSYTH believed that John Ross was intelligent, Government paying the money to individuals, when they and of a decently good character; he was not a poor Inhad agreed to pay it to a corporation. Gentlemen had no dian; Mr. F. wished he was as poor, for he was probably right to enter upon the consideration of the abstract ques- worth $100,000. But the use to which the annuity was tion of what was best for the Indian, in connexion with put, was to take possession of the money of others to rethis subject. If this principle were admitted, he doubted tain and extend their own power; such was the use made not we should soon find out that it would be better to keep of it by Ross & Co. If they had the power to get it into the money ourselves than to give it to the Indian, who their hands, they had the power to make such use of it as might possibly make a bad use of it. Mr. S. said, that if they pleased. Mr. F. objected to the inconsistency of there was any sentiment of national faith remaining among limiting this provision to a part of the Cherokees. Senators, that sentiment must lead to the conviction that said the cause of discontent with the Cherokees east of they were bound to pay this money in the way proposed the Mississippi was, that the chiefs forbade individuals to by the Senator from New Jersey. Gentlemen would not receive the money. Mr. F.'s objection to the establishnow recognise the chiefs as the agents of the Cherokee ment of a press among the Cherokees, was, that they could nation; but were willing enough to do so when they want-not read the paper, and that it was used to agitate the ed Indian lands, when they wanted the chiefs to sell their people on the great Cherokee question. country. The circumstance of these Indians having a press among them was brought forward, too, as a plea upon which to resist their just claims. Why, this showed the extent of civilization to which they had arrived. But gentlemen, it appeared, would rather give the money to the individual Indians themselves, who would expend it in five minutes for whiskey, than have it applied in any way that would tend to raise them above their present condition. Mr. CHAMBERS moved to modify the amendment, by extending the provision to the Cherokees west of the Mississippi, which modification Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN accepted. Mr. WHITE said the modification made the amendment better than it was; but he was opposed to extending the provision to all the Indian tribes. He argued that in the treaties they were not regarded in the light of civilized nations, because an agent was placed among them by Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN desired the Senate to imagine the Government for the transaction of their affairs. He such a scene as the payment of the annuity under the ex- thought there could be no violation of faith, if the money isting arrangement; the individual Indians brought from a were paid in such manner as to make it most beneficial to distance of 100 to 140 miles, for the purpose of receiving the Indians; the stipulations were, in that case, substantheir half dollar or dollar; the Indian camp, after the pay- tially fulfilled. He belived that a great proportion of the ment had been made, surrounded by that class of white tribes preferred the manner of payment adopted by the people who rioted on the vice of the Indians. What a administration, as it was said in many cases that the chiefs glorious process of civilization! Mr. F. continued: If the could not make the payments in a manner satisfactory to Cherokee Indians were superior to any other tribe, it was the tribes. He admitted that the case of the Cherokees in consequence of their having followed the advice of was an exception to an almost general rule. He was in Washington, and confided their money to their chiefs-to favor of adoping that mode which would be most for the those who lived with and cared for them, and who were benefit of the Indians, and for the easy transaction of the anxious to promote their best interests. Mr. F. then spoke business of the Government. He was in favor of no vioin favor of the Indian delegates, Messrs. Ross & Co. and lations of treaty stipulations, and said if the individual described them as individuals entitled to the highest con- Indians would not receive the annuities, he was in favor fidence. It had been said that these persons wished to of paying them according to their wishes. monopolize the annuity. Ross and Co., however, were Indians, and must bear it. He held in his hand a paper regularly signed, by which it appears that these men were the appointed and authorized agents of the council of the Cherokee nation; what excuse then could there be for not paying the money to them? But these people had a press; further supplies of money, therefore, must be arrested, as there would be more presses, and the whole Indian country would be filled with information. They were pouring light upon those parts of the country which gentlemen wished to be kept in darkness. They were now turning the money which they received to purposes of instruction; making it serviceable to them in their prosecution of the arts and sciences, instead of spending it in licentiousness; and honorable Senators would stop this. The Cherokee Indians were becoming enlightened by the course they had adopted. They could no longer be made, as formerly, the victims of designing men. Mr. F. here stated that he had known a buffalo robe, which would have sold in any of our cities for sixteen or seventeen dollars, given at one time among these Indians for a quart of whiskey. But this could no longer be done. They were now acquiring information; they now printed books; they had got an alphabet-yes! they had gone the audacious Mr. FORSYTH moved to strike out that part relating to the chiefs, and inserting that the payment should be made to such persons as should be selected by the majority of the tribe. Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN objected to the proposition as extremely inconvenient in practice, and going backward in the march of civilization. He hoped the amendment would not prevail. Mr. FORSYTH endeavored to show that the method proposed by him was easily practicable, as the number of Cherokees did not exceed 20,000; he insisted that treaties had been made with the tribe, and not with John Ross & Co. Mr. FORSYTH's amendment was lost, yeas 16, nays 19. The joint resolution from the other House relative to the death of General Lafayette, was then read. Mr. WEBSTER said he should not say a single word respecting the character of the illustrious individual whose decease was the subject of this resolution. The present |