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JUNE 3, 1834.)
Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.
repose in her accustomed tranquillity. But if she feels tration is now desirous that Congress should adjourn and that evil, and great evil does exist, and if she sees that go home. For one, sir, I feel that Congress has not done danger is before the country, it is not to be doubted that its duty; it has not fulfilled the objects of the session; it she will bring to the crisis her intelligence, her patriot- has done nothing to relieve the country. ism, and her power.
The responsibility, sir, must rest where it ought to rest: In acquiring the liberty which we enjoy, she had her and we must prepare ourselves, as best we may, to acfull share, both of the sacrifice and the glory; and she count to the people for the disappointment of their just knows that that rich possession is holden only on the hopes, and the disastrous consequences of rash, unlawful, condition of watchfulness and vigilance-God grants lib. ill-advised measures of Government. erty only to those who love it, and are always ready to Mr. President, I hardly intended, when I rose, to ocguard and defend it. In establishing our admirable con- cupy more than a moment of the time of the Senate. I stitution she bore a leading part, and contributed, to the know how many important subjects are upon the table. councils which framed it, the wisdom of Franklin, and But this one subject-the general condition of the counMorris, and Wilson. None can have a deeper stake in try—is so superior to all, it is of such overwhelming im. the preservation of this constitution than the citizens of portance, that every thing else necessarily gives way to it. Pennsylvania, and I verily believe that none are more it has been so through the session; it will be so next sestruly attached to its true principles. It is natural, there. sion; and it will continue to be so, till the constitution fore, that those who think that high principles, or great shall be vindicated, the violated law redressed, the public interests, are in danger, should look to her for succor. treasures restored to their proper custody, and general
If, as this memorial alleges, the manufacturing industry confidence re-established. How soon this may be done, is depressed and suffering, if it be discouraged, crippled, it remains with the people themselves to decide; but until and threatened with ruin, who shall save it, if Pennsylva- it is done, and all done, we shall look in vain, either for nia shall not aid in its rescue? Where will it find sup- an end to distraction in the public councils, or an end to port, if she abandon it? We have followed her lead, in embarrassment and suffering among the people. fostering manufactures, and sustaining domestic industry, Mr. FORSYTH said, he had no doubt that the distress believing this to be a part of her seitled policy, interwoven of which the bonorable Senator from Massachusetts had with her system, and that her purposes in regard to it spoken, and which had produced this memorial from were fixed and settled. I still think so; and, therefore, Harrisburg, would continue until the remely which the I cannot readily believe that she will approve measures gentleman had suggested was carried into effect--that which undo all that bas been done, or counteract its good was, until the agents of the people were changed. The effect.
honorable Senator had referred to this docuinent as eviAbove all, sir, I cannot believe that the political doc- dence to satisfy Congress, to whom it was addressed, that trines of the times can stand a chance for adoption in it spoke the sentiments of the great State of PennsylvaPennsylvania. I cannot believe that men who have been via. How, he (Mr. F.) would ask, did it differ—and he educated in that school which has been called emphati. asked the honorable member with perfect frankness, cally the democratic school, and who hold their politi- from the memorial which had been presented to the Sencal opinions in common with McKean, and Snyder, and ate yesterday, and then laid upon the table? Did the William Findlay, will bave a relish for the sentiments of gentleman admit that to be a true statement of the sentithe protest.
When they are asked who ought to hold ments of the people of New Jersey? It was presented the public purse, I think they will not agree with the here as coming from all the people of New Jersey, of a protest in their answer. Nor has it ever been taught for particular party, assembled in convention. Well, how doctrine, in the school of which they are disciples, that was it with the memorial now before the Senate? 'The the Executive power is the natural guardian of liberty, memorialists said that, "in assembling together and and that it is not for the representatives of the people, adopting the present measures, they are obeying the inor the representatives of the States, to question its acts, structions and uttering the voice of their suffering fellowor to proclaim its encroachments. Sir, Pennsylvania is citizens of every section of this wide-spread commondeeply interested in that in which we are all interested, wealth. Out of iwenty-six congressional districts, twentythe welfare of the whole; and if she be true to herself, as five are represented in the convention.” I trust she will be, she cannot be false to the country: Now, the impression intended to be made in Congress
Mr. President, we are approaching to the end of a long was, that the whole people of Pennsylvania, or of twentysession, and we are likely to leave off where we began. fire congressional districts, had appointed delegates io We have done nothing, and I fear shall do nothing, for take into consideration the present condition of the State. the relief of the people. The Government has nothing He would not say, because the statement was erroneous, to propose which even its own friends will support. On that the authors of it intended to make a false impression. what does it rely? A proposition is before the other He would not impute any such motive to them. From the House, which has been represented as the only scheme statement of the memorialists, one would be led to lipof the administration. It is a law for keeping the pub- pose, that they professed to represent the voice of Pennlic treasures in the State banks. It was offered here, the sylvania, not only of that portion of the people who be. other day, as you remember, sir, by way of amendment lieved that the President had usurped power, but also of to a bill, and was rejected by more than two-thirds. It those who entertained no such idea, and that they were is put to rest here, nor is its sleep elsewhere likely to be all suffering from the recent act of the Executive. disturbed.
As a memorial representing the voice of Pennsylvania, The administration will not consent that the deposites it was worth nothing. It was, however, worth as much be restored; it will not conscnt to give the present bank as any other coming from 218 individuals, united together time to collect its debts and wind up its affairs, without to produce a great party effect in and out of the State, distressing the people; it will not consent to prolong its and not a whit more. It was worili nothing more, except existence a single day; it will not consent to any new so far as the facts which it contained were true, and the bank; it will not suffer the public money to depart, in any deductions from the reasons were logical and just. He way, from Executive control. It sees employment cut begged to call the attention of the gentleman to some off, but it does nothing to restore it; it sees confidence facis, connected with the President's conduct, and which destroyed, but it does nothing to revive it; it sees the rev. were set forth in this memorial: ende diminished, and dwindling, but it does nothing to " As other memorialists have been denied access to the improre it. And yet it would appear, that the adminis-Executive, we cannot hope for succor from the quarter SENATE.]
Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.
[JUNE 3, 1834.
where we should otherwise most naturally have looked orable Senators put the Chief Magistrate in the same sitfor it, to which we have undoubtedly ascribed the suffer- uation, as he (Mr. F.) had supposed Congress to be in, ings of our constituents. We, therefore, make our appeal there would then be made out a case exactly identical directly to the Legislature.”
with that which he had been endeavoring to illustrate in “As other memorialists have been denied access to regard to the President. The Executive, in the course the President!" When, where, how? He had yei to which he had chosen to adopt, was actuated by just molearn that any body of citizens of the United States had tives. He did not wish the public to be deceived as to ever united and sent a memorial to the President on the his opinions. subject of their distresses, who had not been treated Now, the object of these individuals, like all others with proper respect. He knew well that individuals had who were representing the state of public affairs, was to been appointed in different portions of the country, be- have the distress removed, and a change effected in the ginning with the city of Philadelphia, to come here as a public councils. Now, these movements were perfectly committee to present memorials to Congress; that these well understood; and it remained to be seen whether the delegates, whose duty to their constituents was to present same means which had been heretofore resorted to for them to it alone, called on the President, not by the au- like purposes, would effect the object in view. He trust. thority of those who sent them to Washington, but of ed in God that Pennsylvania would repudiate any such attheir own good will and pleasure. They had a conversa- tempts. He was sure the people would do what they tion with the Chief Magistrate, and he treated them with thought right, and be guided by their own wisdom and courtesy and respect; and they went back and mis-report- councils, and for their own best interests. Should he aned what he had said. That committee was followed up ticipate what that would be? He could not. He thought by another from some other place, who chose to act in he saw a light ahead, and that no change would take like manner.
place; but if there were any, it would be favorable to Now, with regard to the first memorial from Philadel- those with whom he (Mr. F.) was united in the present phia, the committee by whom it was sent to this city, condition of public affairs, and in favor of those now ad. on their return, stated that they had performed their ministering the Government. duty—had bad a conversation with certain members. of
Now, with respect to the Bank of the United States, Congress, and that out of their respect for the President he thought he saw in Pennsylvania indications that were they called upon him to state what they knew about not to be mistaken. In both branches of the Legislature the distress of their constituents. Now, that was done of that State, the bank had been most popular, but now without any authority from their constituents; it was a there was bu one opinion entertained in regard to the mere volunteer duty. Well, in those conversations, what re-charter of the institution, and that was against it. Inoccurred? Why, in the representations that were given dications of hostility towards it were visible in all parts of of them, the Chief Magistrate was unjustly dealt by; the State; and he could not perceive that the recent hisNiany things having been asserted which were untrue; tory of the bank, or of the Government and the bank, but, whether owing to misapprehension, or some other would either arrest or alter the change which has taken cause, injustice was done him. It was not his (Mr. F.'s) place. The people of Pennsylvania were unfavorable to intention to enter into an examination as to the truth or the institution; and he could not think that it had become falsehood of the assertions; but it was sufficient for him more popular by braving the representatives of the peoto state, that the representations were declared incorrect ple, and resorting to the hollow pretexts which it had by the President. And what did the Chief Magistrate during the last twelve months. He could not believe do? When other committees applied to him, what was that the bank would be justified or sustained by the peohis answer? He said, “Gentlemen, I cannot receive ple, when she set up pretensions at variance with all her you as a committee; I have received several gentlemen in past conduct, and asserted doctrines which were repuihat character, and they have returned home and misrep. diated by those who had heretofore supported her. Now, resented what has taken place here. I will receive you be really could not suppose that the people of Pennsylwith pleasure as individuals, but as a committee I cannot. vania, or any other portion of the United States, were If you have any thing to say on the part of those you rep- so blind as not to perceive the great motives which, at resent, or for yourselves, let me have it in writing, and I this time, governed the action of the bank in the stand will answer you in the same way."
." And this (said Mr. F.) which it had taken against Congress. Its conduct had is the vindication of the charge made against the Execu- been sufficiently glaring to open the eyes of those in tive, by gentlemen, whose characters have been eulogi- both Houses of Congress who had heretofore supported zed, and justly so, by the gentleman from Massachusetts. her. What a strange spectacle was now exhibited. What They had insinuated, from the past conduct of the Presi- a change had taken place in all parts of the Union in redent towards those who wished to have conversations with gard to it. Some years ago it was thought that the Gov. him, that he refused to receive memorials from his fellow-ernment had complete control over it-that the power of citizens, complaining of the public distress. Now, that the Secretary of the Treasury was sufficient to correct was not the fact.
any abuse-that the power of the President was ample Suppose those thirty gentlemen, who had come here to enough to detect every criminality--and that the power represent the convention, were to apply to be heard at of each House of Congress was sufficient to control or the bar of either House of Congress, in person, to detail check any abuse of its power, whether of a political charthe distress or suffering under which the people labor, acter or otherwise. But how stood the matter now! and to give their views of the constitution and laws of the What power, heretofore claimed by the Government, or United States. They would be refused. The answer the separate branches of it, to speak more accurately, is would be, “Our doors are open to you, but what you retained, which is not now denied by the bank and its liave got to say, let us have in writing." And, if they defenders? were to go back to the city of Harrisburg, and tell those
In connexion with this subject he begged to call the whom they represented, that the Senate and the House of attention of the Senate to a very singular inconsistency in Representatives had refused to hear their representations the proceedings of the board of directors. of the distress existing, and of their views concerning the In a recent attempt that had been made to examine the constitution and laws, would there be a man in this com- books and proceedings of the bank, for certain purposes munity who would not feel shocked at the injustice done indicated, the bank refused that investigation, upon two the National Legislature? and at their audacity in returning grounds. The grounds taken are, that 110 committeo of to their constituents with such a statement? Now, if boil- leither House of Congress has a right to examine the pro
JUNE 3, 1834.]
Harrisburg (Pa. Memorial.
ceedings of the institution, except with a view to issue a question the honor of the House of Representatives, and seire facias; and, as a preliminary, that the bank has a of every member of the committee. They assumed that right to demand a specification of the precise charges of there was danger in submitting their books to this comviolation so supposed to have taken place. In other (mittee, because they were composed of a particular powords, the Senate or the House of Representatives must litical party. He asked the Senator from Massachusetts go with an indictment in their hands, before they will be if he believed that the people of Philadelphia, or New allowed to ascertain the evidence on the different counts. York, or of any corner of the Union, were so blind as A long and labored argument has been made by a portion not to understand the true reasons why the bank refused of the committee who went to make the exanination, in to permit this investigation? If they were so, they were defence of the right of the bank. This defence asserts, much more so than they had proved themselves to be on that, of the resolutions under which they acted for the ordinary occasions. purpose of investigating the affairs of the bank, one was Mr. WEBSTER said, he did not perceive the particu. general in its character, the other particular, and confined lar applicability of the honorable member's remarks. He to a violation of its duties. They assume that the bank certainly should not suffer himself to be drawn into the had a right to refuse to show any of its proceedings, when discussion of matters pending between the bank and the the question is of a general nature, and assert that the House of Representatives. That was a subject not propcharges must be specified. And yet, but a few days erly before the Senate, and he did not mean, therefore, before, the following views were held by a portion of to go into it. It was enough for him to say that the laws the committee:
were open; that the case was made; and that, if it was “Whereas, this committee is now organized, and the the pleasure of the President to issue a scire facias directors of the bank have made known that they are pre- against the bank, he could do so whenever he pleased. pared to submit their books for inspection
Why did he not do it? Why did not the gentleman from "1. Resolved, That the committee take into consider. Georgia advise him to do it? The honorable gentleman ation the several subjects referred to them, and that they from Georgia has given no such advice; he produced no proceed to inspect the books and examine the proceed- such proposition yesterday; but, if he chose, and whenings of the bank, as authorized by the charter, touch- ever he chose, he should have his (Mr. W.'s) vote for a ing the matters referred to them, and in the order in scire facias immediately. Then what was the use of this which they are arranged by the House of Representa- tirade to-day-this incessant play of artillery against the tives, yiz.
bank? Gentlemen will not try the question in the forms "1. The cause of the commercial embarrassment and of law, and yet they are continually charging the bank distress complained of by numerous citizens of the United with violations of its charter. Mr.'W. said he forbore States, in sundry memorials which have been presented to any argument on the question between the House of Congress at the present session.
Representatives and the bank, because it was a ques. “2. Whether the charter of the bank has been vio- tion not before the Senate. As to the argument of the lated.
gentleman, that the great contest is on the question of “3. What corruptions and abuses have existed in its bank or no bank, Mr. W. said, this is the Alpha and management; whether it has used its corporate powers or Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the money to control the press, interfere in politics, or influ- end, of the whole argument of gentlemen on the other ence elections, and whether it has had any agency, side. The question may turn on the subject of the through its management or money, in producing the ex- bank, as it might turn on any other. But Mr. w. woull isting pressure.
not agree that the bank was a party to the great question “2. Resolved, That in all examinations of witnesses, now at issue. There were no parties to it but the relative to charges of corruption, malpractice, misman- people and their servants, and to the people he referred agement, against the directors of the bank, the said di- it. To them he left the proof of the proposition which rectors be permitted to be present, and cross-examine the he maintained, that the people are competent to self-govwitnesses, by themselves, or those whom they may depute ernment. to represent them.
Mr. FORSYTH replied, that he had only to repeat “To these resolutions, the following were offered as what he had said yesterday, that he was not an adviser of an amendment by Mr. Ellsworth, and accepted by Mr. the President of the United States. He would do his Everett:
duty according to his opinions of what was right and “ Resolved, that the committee on behalf of the di- proper. As to himself, Mr. F. said, he was not favorable rectors of the bank, be directed to submit to our inspec. io the issuing of a scire facias, because it would but agtion, at their banking-house, the books and papers of the gravate the public distress. The bank would expire in institution, as they shall be respectively called for. twenty months, and all knew its power to protract a de.
• Resolved, That, in taking testimony, the committee cision of the question until that period. The honorable will proceed according to those general rules of evidence gentleman from Massachusetts gave him great credit for which are adopted in courts of judicial inquiry. foresiglit and political sagacity, and he was sorry he could
“The question being taken on Mr. Everett's substi- not return the compliment to the honorable gentleman. tute, with the amendment, those who voted in the affirm. He was a gentleman of very extended views, but heretoative were, Mr. Everett, Mr. Ellsworth; in the negative, fore he had been exceedingly unsuccessful in his predicMr. Thomas, Mr. Mason, Mr. Muhlenberg, Mr. Mann, tions, at least since he (Mr. F.) had known him. Let us Mr. Lytle.”
appeal to time, then, and rest confidently on the sagacity This was a proposition held by two individuals of the of those we appeal to. The honorable gentleman had committee who afterwards agreed to the unjust preten- said that the bank was complained of as a monster, that sions of the bank, viz. that it was not bound to produce it was the constant theme of remark. Well, the memoits books for examination, unless that examination was to rial from the Pennsylvania convention concluded by pray. be the foundation for a scire facias. And, under what cir- ing relief by a restoration of the deposites to--the bank. cumstances was this change made? The charter of the They ask a re-charter of-the bank. And they prayed bank contains a provision, that its books shall be, at all Congress to adopt measures to curb the Executive in his times, subject to an examination by a committee of Con- hostility to—what?—the bank. The bank, the bank, was gress, and the committee went to Philadelphia with the the beginning and the end of the theme. But for the most perfect expectation that the books would be submit- popularity and influence of the bank in Philadelphia, we ted to them. But this bank assumed a position calling in lnever should have heard of this convention. The bank
Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.
(JUNE 3, 1834.
was not a party to it-but did not every body know that to draw from such a state of things? Was it not an indi. it was a powerful party in the country? Did we not cation that some great and alarming danger menaced the know that every body in the country who were enlisted liberties of the country, when men of this description foron that side, were assailing the Executive for daring to got their feelings and ordinary habits, and came forward touch its immaculate deposites? Honorable gentlemen unanimously to defend the constitution and laws of their might struggle to avoid it as a party, but they must ad- ancestors? He (Mr. C.) rejoiced to see this. Let the here to it as a party, and rise or fall by it. And who laws be restored, and then let those who have seen the were the master spirits who had managed this great distress produced by the late measures of Government, concern? The managers of the bank, among whom was say who should be their future agents—to whom shculd the distinguished gentleman whose name stands at the hereafter be confided the destinies of this great country. head of this committee, and who had always pursued the Mr. C. said he should not have risen had he not felt it most incessant, he might say vindictive, hostility towards his duty to vindicate the convention from whom this methe Executive of the United States; an individual who morial came, and the committee who had brought it, from was a candidate for the second office in the gift of the the remarks which had been made respecting them by people, and in whose favor the bank had poured out its the Senator from Georgia. Of the convention, he would treasure in full strcam.
say, from the knowledge he had of the members who Mr. CLAY said, the honorable Senator from Georgia composed it, that there had been no assembly in this [Mr. Fonsitu) had told them that he was no adviser of country which contained more intelligence, purity, and the President; he (Mr. C.) thought the honorable Sena- patriotism. With respect to the committee, every tor was, at all events, a very prompt and ready defender individual member of it would vie with the honoraof every Executive measure, and ought not to renounce ble Senator from Georgia in all the qualities either of the his duty upon the present occasion, when the President's head or heart, in all attainments whether of the tongue conduct, in neglecting to issue a scire facias against the or per. Their superiors were not to be found any where. bank, was called in question. The lionorable Senator had But the honorable Senator from Georgia objected to the also told the Senate that he was opposed to an inquiry in- members of the convention, that they represented themto the conduct of the bank, by means of a scire facias, selves as declaring the opinions of the whole people of because of the delay and distress that might ensue from Pennsylvania. Why, the very description and preamble such a mode of procedure. What was the course of the of the meeting to which the Senator from Georgia had honorable Senator yesterday? Why, when a proposition alluded, showed that they did not wish so to represent was before the Senate to repair the breach which had themselves. They stated that they represented only a been made in the law, and to drag from the grasp of the portion of the people of Pennsylvania; that portion which Executive the deposites of the public money which he was opposed to Executive usurpation. had seized and retained, in violation of the constitution, Mr. FORSYTII said the lionorable Senator from Kenhe (the bonorable Senator from Georgia) proposed to of. tucky was confounding the memorial with the description fer as a substitute, a resolution for a scire facias. Suppose of the meeting at the head of the paper which he (Mr. the honorable Senator's proposition had been adopted, F.) had read. This description' had not been sent would not the distress which he now spoke of as an ex- with the memorial: the latter only was before the Senate, cuse for opposing a scire facias, have then ensued? Cer- and in that he conceived that the memorialists representtainly it would. But this contradictory conduct was noth-ed themselves as declaring the opinions of the whole peoing exiraordinary. Any thing, any thing you please, only ple of Pennsylvania. let us continue to hold fast the public treasure, was the Mr. CLAY. Well, the heading or description was feeling of gentlemen. But this was nothing new. llis- published in the same pamphlet with the memorial, and tory and experience instructed us but too afflictingly, that clearly proved that the memorialists only intended to this was the usual course supreme power. Some state represent themselves as the delegates of that portion of necessity, rcal or imaginary-some conspiracy—some the inhabitants of the State of Pennsylvania who were opanonymous letters-some odious institution or corpora- posed to the Executive measures. The present convention, was marked out to inflame the minds of the peo- tion was also charged by the Senator from Georgia with ple--whilst power, silently, secretly, and securely, grasp. having misrepresented ihe President, by saying that he ed unlimited authority, Bank or no bank! said Mr. c. (the President) had refused access to memorialists. Let Have we not told the honorable Senator from Georgia, the Senate look at the fact: a committee from the city of over and over again, that the question is not bank or no Baltimore had an interview with the President, and combank, but constitution or no constitution. But the honor- municated the language which passed at that interview. able Senator bas said, that our object is to procure a Well, the President is said to have affirmed that those in. change of agents. Yes! it is so. But what is the ques-dividuals misrepresented him. Now, allowing that the tion on the other side-with the party to which the hon- President had made this declaration, how did the matter orable Senator belongs, and with the heads of that party? stand, on the mere ground of evidence? Did not the Power, place, the glitter of office, high honors and re. Senator from Georgia manifest his eagerness to defend wards—do these considerations never enter into the con. the President, by his total disregard of all the rules of templation of the pure patriots on the opposite side? Is evidence in this case? Admit that the President had said it not their object to hold on to the public money, and to the Baltimore committee had misrepresented him, the eviget as much more of it as they can? We do struggle for dence was in the proportion of thirty to one against him. a change—not of men, but of principles. We desire But no denial of the statement of the committee had ever agents who will listen to the recital of the distresses of emanated directly and clearly from the President. All their fellow-citizens, and endeavor to relieve them. Mi. the information of this kind wlich the public possessed C., in continuation, recommended gentlemen to take was obtained from a newspaper. The honorable Senator warning as to the state of public feeling, from the oppo- from Georgia would have to revert to the Globe; a joursite and mixed character of the people who united in nal of which he had not spoken in the kindest terms. sending memorials to Congress. When Napoleon struck But even admitting that the President had made the deat the liberties of Europe, all the nations of Europe com- nial, what would be the result of any rule of evidence apbined to put him down; and if the honorable Senator from plied to the matter? The declaration of thirty respecta Georgia now saw a siinilar combination--saw masons and ble individuals stood on record in opposition to the Presianti-masons-persons of the most opposite character, uni. dent. Any man who would compare the statement of ting in these memorials--what was the inference he ought the Baltimore committee with the statements made by
JUNE 3, 1834.)
Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.
other committees who had visited the President, would ner, and, after it had been declared that all connexion come from the investigation with the full conviction that between the Government and the bank was at an end, the President had used the language which had been they wanted an investigation. For what? One had been attributed to him. He (the President) was in such a rage, made but twelve months before, by the House, and one too, upon these occasions; talked so much about the by an agent of the President, and he had reported that “monster," "Spanish inquisitions," and the “deserts all relations with the bank should cease. Yet the House of Arabia;" had evinced such unbridled passion, that it had sent a committee to Philadelphia, who wanted the was impossible he could correctly remember what had books of the bank brought to a tavern, and it was now fallen from him. But was the President justified in re-recommended to the House to punish the recreants. If fusing to receive all other committees because the Balti- a majority of the Senate should carry a resolution to more committee had offended hiin? One committee of- bring Nicholas Biddle and his assistants to their bar, to fended him, and he refuses to receive all others. Was answer for their contumacy, Mr. C. would vote against this conduct defensible by any rule of justice? Because the illegal proceeding, but, like Nicholas Biddle, he would one person violates your confidence, are you to blame or sit in his seat and look on, “ calm as a summer's morn. mistrust the whole human race?
ing," and see what the House would do with these genOne committee, Mr. C. said, had misstated the Presi- tlemen. All Mr. C. would now say, was, that this was an dent, according to the denial of the official gazette, and affair of the House of Representatives, and he hoped the President, therefore, said to all the committees, Be- they would get out of it as well as they could. cause you have misstated me, if you have any thing Mr. C. had said again and again, and he would repeat, present, you must do it on paper. Mr. C. dared say, that the bank was nothing in comparison with the question that the committees would not venture to present on pending in the resolutions on the table. The great obpaper any thing they might desire to say; it would place ject was, to restore the laws, to bring the constitution them in the predicament of the Commissioners at Ghent, into force and operation; to give to the laws such vigor whose communications on paper were first sent to Lon- that they could not be obstructed by the Executive. But don, to be examined, and they received no answer till if the gentleman from Georgia desired it, Mr. C. would they returned from London to Ghent. The object of the go in favor either of a committee of investigation or a committees was personal intercourse with the President, scire facias; and if he was in favor of either one or and the committees might have been afraid of not obtain the other, let it be carried, and let us hear no more ing, in fact, the views of the President, but those of a about it. cabal.
It was true, Mr. C. said, that he thought a bank inAccording to all the laws of justice, the President dispensable to the financial operations of the Governshould not thus have closed his doors, and denied free ac-ment; and what was the crime in this? Out of the for. cess, according to the practice even of_monarchs. In one ty-five years during which the Government had been instance he had denied this privilege even to the officers in operation, for forty years there had been a Bank of of the corporation of one of our principal cities. When the United States; and for the five years during, which . had his British majesty ever refused such an interview to it had not existed, there had been immense disorder the city of London? And why was it denied in this case? and embarrassment in the pecuniary affairs of the Because the Baltimore committee had misrepresented the country, and so it would have continued but for the language of the President, contrary to all usage and prac- agency of a bank. Out of forty who voted for the last tice, he had denied the right of others to see the Presi- war, twenty-eight voted for the bank; and as soon as dent. Mr. C. considered the case of the two branches of the bank went fairly into operation, the pecuniary diffiCongress, which the gentleman from Georgia had ad- culties disappeared, and a sound and safe currency folduced, as not at all parallel. They were collective lowed, such as had not been surpassed in any country bodies; the President was not a plurality, and he had on the globe. been in the practice of receiving the people in the east Mr. č. and his friends went by experience; the genroom, which Mr. C. had been told, though he had not tlemen on the other side were for trying-it was imposseen it, was furnished and decorated in eastern splendor sible to say what; it was not a bank, but fifty banks, and magnificence. This was the house of the people, selected and set in operation at the very moment of the where they were to have free access and intercourse; outcry that the bank was a monster. Mr. C. would not and he thought the President's shutting the doors, and say what was the design of the President; it was suffitelling them, Gentlemen, if you have any thing to say, cient for him to say what was the tendency and inevitable put it on paper, was in violation of the example and effect of his course. He had denounced the institution; practice of every other President, who never would have had proclaimed to the people that it was dangerous to denied admittance to a respectable committee, represent. liberty; that it had corrupted and bribed its partisans. ing hundreds and thousands, who came to tell of the over- Were the two Houses of Congress in favor of a bank? throw of their hopes and the derangement and ruin of then the two Houses were corrupt; the President had their business by measures of Government. The com- said that Congress was so corrupted, that he apprehendmittees, therefore, had a right to an interview, and Mr. ed a majority of two-thirds would be against him, and reC. saw with satisfaction that the committee from Philadel. charter the bank. But now, when the House was opphia had scorned a condition, which would have been posed to a bank, they were a spotless representative body; accepted by none but slaves, from a man whom they had they were against the bank, but the Senate was in favor; elevated to the highest post, from which he, like an east- then they were corrupt. Yes, and every body that ven. ern monarch, prescribed the terms on which they were to tured to think with the long list of illustrious statesmen approach him.
which this country had produced, that a bank was necesThe honorable member from Georgia bad followed the sary, was paid by the bank. He hoped the people would example of the President, (in regard to the proceed. see into it; and perceive that the question was a question ings of Legislatures and of the House!) he had ransack of constitution or no constitution, of liberty or no liber. ed the files of the House, and had brought forward a ty, of a well-balanced Government, or of the Executive report which was not officially before the Senate; but, engrossing the whole power of the Government. like the Senator from Massachusetts, Mr. C. would not Mr.
BROWN said it was not without some surprise he now discuss this subject. The House, when investiga- bad heard gentlemen who seemed to approve the course ting the affairs of the bank, might have done it by a of the bank, assert their willingness for an investigation joint resolution; but they had chosen their own man-linto its conduct. How little did this declaration, made at