SENATE.] Restoration of the Deposites. [JUNE 2, 1834. Aggregate statement of the Banks in the City of N. York. duce such a result is, that it gains, in addition to the dis January, 1832 1833 cr 1834 18,755,000 34,117,000 00 00 12,005,000 00 count or interest, the difference of exchange; and the 12,215,000 00 same gentleman states, that "the amount of premiums 15,402,000 00 on domestic exchange received by the bank for the same Aggregate statement of the Banks in the City and Coun- period, (one year,) was $217,249,560. Its interest, then, ty of Philadelphia. In the loans are included stocks is promoted by this increase of domestic exchange; and held by the Banks. it has the power to increase it; and it can do all this seNovember, 1831 cretly, for none of these operations are seen even by the 5,284,515 73 merchant, except the fact, that the bank cannot accommodate except on exchange bills. 1832 1833 9,433,800 10,849,615 12,587,850 18,083,361 18 4,403,299 29 It will be seen, from these statements, that there has Let any merchant, or reflecting man, now contemplate been a small but gradual increase of the banking capital, and of the loans and circulations, in all these States and the fact, that 241,000,000 of domestic exchanges were cities. As the increase of population and of business has made in 1832 by that bank, as stated; and then ask himself called for more banking capital, the States have increased if the balances of the trade between the different sections it, and the loans and notes circulated have nearly the of our country would, in one year, amount to that sum? It is not the whole trade, but only the balances of the same proportion as existed before the capitals were increased. There has been, in no State or city, any great trade, that ordinarily pass in bills of exchange from one and sudden extension of the loans upon the same capital, section of the country to another; and these do not all, as there has in the United States Bank. There has been or nearly all, pass through that bank; and the amount no great or sudden decrease in the loans or circulations. stated may not so readily be accounted for, as in conThese institutions, all of them, have been conducted with cluding that the bank has pursued its own interest in taxa degree of moderation and regularity greatly creditable ing the business of the country in the mode supposed, or to them, and contrasting very favorably for them within some better mode, perhaps, ascertained from its own the United States Bank. They certainly are not charge-experience. If this be its interest and its course, then it able with having contributed to produce the rise and fall can have no wish to keep the exchanges very low or of property suddenly--nor have they deranged the mon- very regular; and it may have as few merits in regulating eyed operations of the country. Judging from facts, exchange, as it has in regulating the State banks. then, and not from theory, the United States Bank, instead of acting as a regulator of the State banks, has acted as the disturber of the moneyed and business operations of the community. Expansion and contraction is chargeable upon it, not upon the State institutions. If any one is not satisfied that it has so acted--can any one doubt that it has power so to act-and that of course it is capable of bringing the dealings of our people, and their best interests, within its control, or making its influence felt in destroying the prosperity of those who refuse obedience to its will? And The fact that it did put the whole domestic exchanges into the hands of a committee, and kept its proceedings secret from even its own board of directors; and that it has lately refused to permit the committee of the House of Representatives to see the correspondence or examine into the proceedings of the exchange committee, authorizes the most unfavorable inferences to be drawn. it is not difficult to understand, that much of the disorder in the exchanges of the country, which has been complained of as one of the causes of the distress, may be found first in the multiplication of bills of exchange, and then in breaking up all this class of paper, by refusing to receive them at all, or only at extravagant rates. There must be an examination of the bank before the people will be satisfied, or ought to be satisfied, that, instead of merit, there have not been deep and lasting injuries inflicted upon them in the exchanges of the country. Another merit claimed for it, is that of equalizing the exchanges. And a distinguished member of the House [Mr. BINNEY] makes a "statement of the uses which the Bank of the United States has annually afforded, in various ways, to the people of the United States;" and among these uses is that "of making a total of domestic exchanges" (for the year 1832, as I understand him) Upon another topic I wish to say a few words. It is $241,717,910. I pass for a moment from the extraordinary amount-to say, that if it has such a control over the in relation to the settling up of the concerns of the bank. domestic exchanges as to be enabled to regulate them, It has been stated by the Senator from Massachusetts, then it has such a control as to be enabled to derange [Mr. WEBSTER,] that he is of opinion that the bank ought them. The whole course of domestic exchange then, it to call in its capital much faster than it does, if the charter holds within its power, to increase or diminish, regulate is not to be renewed. And several of those, and some in or disturb, at pleasure, and that without limitation or re-high places, with whom I act, have regarded it as proper striction of this power imposed by law. Is there nothing that the bank should prepare to wind up its concerns; in this scene to induce reflecting merchants and men of and seem to suppose and to admit, that some distress must business to pause before they prolong and perpetuate the be occasioned by it. From this opinion I entirely dissent; existence of such a power unrestrained by any law? if by a preparation to wind up its affairs, is meant any But the bank can make money plenty in the West, and scarce in the East-or the reverse-by loaning freely for a few months, or perhaps weeks, in one section of the country and by curtailing in another section. Suppose it to desire to obtain bills of exchange from the West upon The bank charter expires on the 3d day of March, the East-it has only to withhold all discounts at the West, except for bills on the East, and while it is doing 1836, but it exists for two years longer, or till the 3d of this freely, discount any paper at the East, and thus in March, 1838, for the "liquidation of the affairs and acduce acceptances merely on the credit of the drawer. counts of the corporation, and for the sale and disposition When these bills become payable, it has only to require of their estate, real, personal, and mixed." If it proceeds the payment, and discount only bills drawn in the East to collect in its debts, it must loan again, or permit the on the West or South-and thus changing the places of amount thus collected to remain unemployed in its vaults. plenty and scarcity, it can multiply domestic bills to al-It cannot divide its capital amongst its stockholders, until most any amount, even when the demand for them from its charter for business expires. It would be doing inregular business operations is small. Is it not interested to produce such a result? And what is its effects upon the people? Its interest to pro thing more than that of bringing its long loans into paper of the usual business term, and disposing of its real estate not needed, and bringing its whole property into common business paper. So much, in my judgment, should it do; nothing more. justice to the stockholders to collect the capital and permit it to remain unemployed in its vaults till 1836, because they would lose the interest on the whole sum thus JUNE 2, 1834.] Restoration of the Deposites. [SENATE. unemployed. And it would be extremely oppressive decision that the charter is, or is not violated, and it is and ruinous to the community to collect in the capital therefore of comparatively little importance, and ought and lock it up from the stockholders and withdraw it not to change any man's opinion as respects the mischiefs from the active capital of the country. To do this is, for charged upon it. the time that it is locked up, the same in effect upon the To restore the public money to the bank, as the resobusiness of the country as to destroy so many millions of lution proposes, unless the bank is to be re-chartered, its active capital. And when I hear it said that it will would be without any object of practical good; and it do this, I regard it as evidence, if it does do it, that its must therefore be regarded as a declaration, that it ought deliberate purpose is to distress the community and de- to be re-chartered, and that it is expedient to do this; press and injure its business, for the purpose of compelling while the bank maintains a perfect secrecy over all its imthe people to consent to yield to its power and give it a new portant proceedings; while it shuns the light, and keeps charter. But why will not the same effect be necessarily itself dark, and thus exhibits the usual evidences of guilt. produced if it delays the collection of its debts and the To legislate thus is, in my judgment, to declare that an calling in of its capital till after 1836? It must then, it institution which has power to destroy the State banks; may be said, during two years, call in its capital, and it to derange the business concerns of the country; to bring will be only putting off the evil day. But a moment's ruin and distress upon the people; to cause all their propreflection is required to show that no injury, no distress erty and earnings to be held in uncertainty and insecuri need be produced in collecting all its capital in two years ty, if held at all, should be continued, without any reafter 1836. And the reason is, that after 1836 it may straint being imposed upon it by law to prevent these evils. distribute and pay out its capital to the stockholders as And it is to do this, after we have seen the danger, and fast as it is collected. There will be then no occasion experienced in our deep distress its mischievous power. for locking up any portion of its capital-certainly only To the people must be submitted the question, whether for a few days-only long enough after a portion is re- the bank shall shield itself in darkness, and put at deficeived, to give notice and to distribute it. It is perfectly ance the legislative power of the people, and yet, by its well understood, that any amount of money may change oppressions, cause them to yield to its purposes, and thus hands in a country, and occasion no distress, no derange- enable it to rule the nation. To their decision, and theirs ment of business; while a comparatively small amount only, am I willing to submit this contest. withdrawn from employment, will have that effect. The reasons are so plain to every reflecting mind, that it is not necessary to enter upon their discussion. To collect the capital of the bank after 1836, and pay it over to the stockholders, is only to cause so many millions to change hands. The person or corporation which employs it is changed; but the money in the hands of the stockholders is employed or loaned, and does the same office which it did when the bank employed or loaned it. All this is most familiarly known to those who manage the bank; and if they do at any time cause the capital or any part of it to be locked up and remain withdrawn from the stockholders and from business, it can be only from a wanton purpose of mischief. Let the people then keep in mind, that the coming distress which is threatened from this process, if it does come, is brought upon them designedly and unnecessarily, to compel them to obedience to the bank. When complaint is made that the bank violates its trust, and refuses to disclose any of its proceedings, and refuses to be examined, it is asked, why a scire facias is not issued? Why do you not bring the bank into the court, and try out the question before a jury, whether it has violated its charter? Mr. CLAY asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered. Mr. TIPTON, with permission, moved that the vote rejecting the bill for the relief of Mountjoy Baily, be reconsidered; and then laid the motion on the table. Mr. FORSYTH (at half past five o'clock) moved that the Senate adjourn; but the motion was negatived, ayes 18, noes 23. Some further remarks were made by Mr. BENTON and Mr. CLAYTON, when the question was taken on the amendment of Mr. BENTON, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Forsyth, Grundy, Hill, Kane, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Robinson, Shepley, White, Wilkins, Wright.-14. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Black, Calhoun, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Kent, Knight, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Silsbee, Smith, Southard, Sprague, Swift, Tipton, Tomlinson, Tyler, Waggaman, Webster.-31. So the amendment was negatived. Mr. BENTON moved to commit the resolutions to the Committee on Finance, with instructions to report an amendment, regulating the deposites of public money in the State banks. On this amendment he asked the yeas and nays, which were ordered. The question was then taken on the motion to amend, and decided in the negative, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Forsyth, Grundy, Hill, Kane, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Shepley, White, Wilkins, Wright.-13. The answer is quite plain and easy. The reason is, that such a course will be productive of no practical good. A violation of the charter may take place without any fault, but that of negligence on the part of the bank. So the greatest mischiefs and abuses may exist, and yet there may be no technical and legal violation of the charter. If the charter were to be declared forfeited, it could not possibly be so determined, but a few months before it expires by law. And whether it has, or has NAYS. Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Black, Calhoun, Chamnot, violated the charter, does not afford us any light to bers, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, legislate wisely for the benefit of the country. The Kent, Knight, Leigh, McKean, Mangum, Naudain, Poinquestion for us to consider, as legislators, is not whether dexter, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Silsbee, there has been a technical violation of charter, but whether Smith, Southard, Sprague, Swift, Tipton, Tomlinson, the bank has been an instrument of good or of evil to the Tyler, Waggaman, Webster.-32. country. We wish to be informed whether it has ex- Mr. FORSYTH then moved to divide the question on pended its money to corrupt the press; whether it has the resolutions, the two propositions being different in designedly deranged the business concerns, and brought their character, so that a distinct vote might be taken on distress and ruin upon us; whether it acts as a regulator or disturber of the exchanges, and of the loans, and circulations of the country; and whether it is now engaged in the same course in secret, and may be expected to continue it. None of these matters will be ascertained by a VOL. X.-117 each. This, Mr. CLAY assented to. Mr. FORSYTH said, that as honorable gentlemen had expressed a great willingness that a scire facias, or other proceeding, should be instituted, with a view to inquire SENATE.] Restoration of the Deposites.-Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial. [JUNE 3, 1834. into its proceedings, and to ascertain whether it had vio-cias could be issued, to cover any more ground than was lated its charter, he would make a proposition, if he could embraced in the finding of a committee. obtain any encouragement from the opposite side, which After a few words from Mr. FORSYTH in reply, both should effect that object. He proposed to offer the fol- resolutions were ordered to be engrossed for a third lowing, as a substitute for the resolutions, to follow the reading. word Resolved: "That a scire facias be issued by the proper officer, to try immediately if the charter of the Bank of the United States has been forfeited: "1st. Because the corporation has advanced money to a foreign Government, without being previously authorized to do so by act of Congress. "2d. Because the whole power over the management of the institution has been placed, by resolution, in the hands of a few persons, and has not been exercised by the board of directors, as required by the charter. "Sd. Because the bank has failed to perform its duties under the pension laws, not having transmitted money placed in its possession to pay pensioners, when required by proper authority. The Senate then adjourned. TUESDAY, JUNE 3. HARRISBURG (PA.) MEMORIAL. Mr. McKEAN said, a committee of thirty citizens, of the first respectability, from various sections of Pennsylvania, all of whom, he believed, were now in the lobby of the Senate, had honored him by putting into his charge a memorial to be presented to the Senate, signed by more than 200 delegates from the different counties of that State, who assembled at Harrisburg, the seat of Government, on the 27th ultimo, to consult as to the cause of public distress and mode of relief. And though, he said, a difference of political opinion, as well as on questions 4th. Because the corporation has refused, under va- of abstract expediency, existed between a portion of the rious pretexts, to submit to an examination of its books memorialists and himself, it was nevertheless his desire and proceedings, by a committee of the House of Repre- to represent them fairly; and it was no less his pride sentatives of the United States, specially appointed for than his duty to say, that this convention comprised that purpose. as much respectability, talent, and weight of public and "5th. Because the money of the corporation had been private character, as any convention of men that had asloaned to individuals and expended in disseminating sembled any where within his knowledge, and whose expamphlets and speeches throughout the United States, to perience entitled their opinions to the most respectful influence popular elections, and to procure a renewal of consideration. its charter. "6th and lastly, For any other causes operating as a forfeiture that can be established by evidence, in the belief of the district attorney of the United States whose duty it is to issue the said scire facias." He had been furnished with a statement showing the general, as well as political, complexion of the convention, and he took occasion to say, that the latter was corroborated by his own knowledge of the facts as stated. The whole number of delegates present was 209; of this Mr. CLAY said, if the gentleman would bring forward number, 75 were original Jackson men, about 30 of whom a distinct proposition for issuing a sire facias, to try whe-supported General Jackson in 1832. Delegates were ther the bank has or has not violated its charter, he would appointed from 48 counties, and delegates were in acgive the gentleman a carte blanche to fill it up as he pleas- tual attendance from 44 counties, including the city of ed. All he desired was to sustain the law and the con- Philadelphia, accidents having prevented the attendance stitution. But he could not take the resolution as a sub-of the other four. He had been particularly instructed stitute for these resolutions. to say, that the entire proceedings had been distinguished Mr. WEBSTER signified his assent to this statement. for harmony, unanimity, and zeal, and the whole characMr. FORSYTH then made a few observations, explain-ter of the convention furnished the strongest evidence of ing that he had not intended to press for a scire facias. He a great political change in Pennsylvania, and a growing would not move it distinctly, but was willing to make it as a substitute. The issuing of a scire facias would be productive of much distress, and he desired to share the responsibility of the act with the gentlemen on the other side. Mr. CLAYTON said, that whenever the gentleman from Georgia should present a distinct proposition for a scire facias, founded on the report of the committee of the House, he should have his vote. To send a scire facias not founded on the report of the committee, would lead to no result, as the court could not look at it. Mr. FORSYTH admitted that the course indicated by the gentleman from Delaware was the regular one; but it was impracticable to have the previous report of a committee, when the bank would not permit any committee to examine the books. But would the gentleman agree to vote for this proposition as a substitute for the resolutions? Mr. CLAYTON replied that there was a report of a committee, on which a scire facias might issue; or the President could of himself issue a scire fucias. opposition to the recent measures of the present administration of the General Government. The memorial was written with great force and ability, and condemns, in toto, the conduct of the Executive branch of the Govern ment in reference to the bank; to which cause they ascribe all the present distress of the country, and ask Congress for relief. Mr. MCKEAN then presented the memorial, and moved that it be read, referred to the Committee on Finance, and printed, with the names. The memorial having been read Is Mr. WEBSTER immediately rose, and addressed the Senate. Is this, sir, (said he,) the voice of Pennsylvania? That is a question of very great interest at the present moment. The whole country has a concern in it. this the voice of Pennsylvania? If this be her voice, then we may hope that the day of relief and of safety is approaching. If this be her voice, it is a voice of health, and of rescue. The work of relief will prosper, it will proceed, if her heart be in it, and her strong hand be put to it. Pennsylvania is one of those great central States, on whose determination, and on whose conduct, every thing in regard to the future condition of the country seems to bang. If this centre moves with intelligence, union, Mr. CLAYTON then said, that if the gentleman would and patriotism, nothing can resist its force. For one, I put his proposition in a form which would not interfere believe that the sentiments expressed in this memorial with these resolutions, and would take the whole respon- are, to a very great extent, the sentiments of Pennsylvania. sibility, he should have his vote. But he must be under-I believe this is her voice. The proofs, I think, are satisstood as not giving, himself, any sanction that a scire fa-factory. They come in numerous expressions of opinion, Mr. FORSYTH admitted that the President had the right, but he could not advise the President on the subject, as he had no connexion with him. JUNE 3, 1834.] Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial. [SENATE. to give up their own principles of association, but to signify that, in this crisis, and on the great questions which now agitate the whole country, they think as others think, and as Americans ought to think, and that they hold fast to the constitution and laws. in a thousand forms, from all parts of the State itself, and state of things, and uniting to pray relief from Congress. they may be gathered from the workings of public opin- I have the honor of knowing several of these gentlemen ion, in other portions of the country. In this hall, and personally, and many others by reputation. The conthe other, I see evidence, if I mistake not, that those who vention was not composed altogether of delegates from know Pennsylvania best, believe her to entertain the any one political party. Various parties, various descripopinions expressed in the paper which has now been read, tions of polical men, united in its proceedings. and believe, also, that she will soon show herself in earnest It is known that there exists in Pennsylvania a large, in maintaining them. She has been an ardent friend and a active, and zealous anti-masonic party; and I see, among steady supporter of the present Chief Magistrate. Among the members of the meeting, many distinguished names the very first to espouse his cause, from warm gratitude belonging to that party. These gentlemen came to the for his great services, a strong conviction of his honesty convention, not to lose their own distinct character, not and patriotism, and a confiding trust in his ability to administer the Government, she has adhered faithfully to her attachment. Three times she has given him her vote for the Presidency, and she has not faltered in her support, heretofore, although there have been measures, touching her vital interests, in which nearly every one of Sir, I am happy to say that I know no party or body of her delegation, here, and a vast majority of her own Le- citizens in the country, whose principles and opinions, on gislature, have been constrained to differ from the Presi- all its leading interests, are more thoroughly sound and dent. She has seen and regretted what she thought er- patriotic than those of the anti-masons of Pennsylvania. rors; but she has remembered great services and great I know no gentlemen more worthy of trust, in every reexploits, and has gone on with her characteristic steadi- spect, than those who are placed in the public councils ness. It is not wonderful that she should be slow and re- here by their influence and their votes. It is true that luctant in withdrawing confidence where she had bestow- the party has a distinct object of its own, which it keeps ed it in such bountiful measure. I would not suggest constantly in sight, and which it pursues with steadiness that, even now, Pennsylvania abates her personal kindness and zeal; but it is equally true, that it shows itself, always, and regard for the Chief Magistrate who has been so of unwavering and steadfast in its attachment to the constiten the man of her choice. No doubt she would desire to tution, in its maintenance of the authority of law, in its see him go through his career with success and honor; but love of liberty, and in its support of the great interests I believe, sir, that her citizens perceive the true character and true policy of the country. and feel the disastrous effects of those measures which the administration has been recently led to adopt, and that they are convinced that it is their duty to oppose those measures, by every thing which belongs to their interest, and to their character, as Pennsylvanians. In all this, it is possible I may be deceived. The sentiment of Pennsylvania may be fixed the other way. My hopes, my earnest wishes, may mislead me; but I shall not give up these hopes while it is possible to retain them, because they are intimately connected with all the expectation which I cherish for a return of the prosperity of the country. The whigs, sir, were also represented in this convention, and it will be seen, by its proceedings, that they have avowed sentiments and principles worthy of their name. Nor arc these all. It appears, also, from the memorial. itself, that nearly one-third of the whole convention was composed of friends and supporters of the present Executive. Seventy-five Jackson men, as they have been called, are on the roll of members. Will not this striking fact produce its effect on gentlemen here? Will it not cause them to open their eyes to the progress of opinion, and their minds to the force of truth? You will observe, Isir, that this convention did not call itself a whig conMr. President, the immediate difficulty in our condi- vention, a national republican convention, nor an antition is to convince the friends of the administration here, masonic convention; but it called itself a "convention of and the President himself, that the country is either dissat- delegates from the citizens of Pennsylvania opposed to isfied or distressed. The pertinacity with which men here Executive usurpation and abuse." It adopted a name, cling to this experiment," exceeds all former experi- or used a description, broad enough to comprehend all ence. They can see no proof of distress, they can hear no sounds of just complaint. All the excitement which exists in the country, they insist upon it, is produced by the bank, by panic-makers, by party politicians. All the memorials come, they say, from the President's enemies. If we stand up here to present the petitions of the people, and to press them on the attention of the Senate, we are called panic-makers! If we speak of the multitudes who flock together, at public meetings, to memorialize Congress, we are told they are all bank agents. Farmers, me- Sir, they have acted wisely and patriotically; they have chanics, laborers, traders, manufacturers, and merchants, remembered that they have a common country, a common come here, by hundreds of thousands, but we are told liberty, and, in times of danger, a common duty. They they are all but a few noisy political partisans. Sir, an have felt that, whatever else they may be, they are yet all end to this delusion must some time come. It cannot last Americans, all Pennsylvanians, all lovers of liberty and forever; and, if any thing short of an overwhelming de- the constitution. The administration is deceived, therefeat at the ballot-boxes will ever convince the supporters fore, sir, the President himself is deceived, greatly, if he of the present measures that the people are against them, supposes this convention to have been assembled by the they might be, in some degree, satisfied by the character agency of the bank, by any mere party operation, or by of this convention at Harrisburg, the circumstances at any desire to create panic. Let us look to individuals, tending it, and the result of its proceedings. It was a let us see who composed the convention, that we may convention consisting of two hundred and fifty delegates, judge the better of the weight due both to its declaracoming from forty-four counties, out of fifty-two, which tions and its opinions. those who, however they might differ in other things, united in the objects of this meeting. Now, sir, how is it possible, that so numerous and respectable a convention, thus composed of gentlemen belonging to distinct parties, and to different political associations, could be brought together, and be found adopting this memorial, with entire unanimity, if there were not some strong conviction, common to all; some general and concurring sense of public distress, and public danger? the State contains. These delegates assembled, sir, from I perceive, sir, that there was placed in its chair, a places some of them three hundred miles apart, at a very Washington county farmer, Joseph Lawrence; a man, busy season of the year, in obedience to the will of their sir, well known in this Capitol; a man of the simplest reconstituents, for the purpose of consulting on the present publican habits, and the sternest republican virtues; a SENATE.] Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial. [JUNE 3, 1834. man who has served his fellow-citizens in distinguished delusive; that numerous establishments are closed, and public stations with much credit, and has gone back to others crippled; that the loss of property has been afflictthe cultivation of his own farm with real Roman simplici-ing, and that the suspension of business deprives labor of ty. Sir, all the banks in the world, and all the panic-wages, and of bread. Is this true? Is this representamakers and political partisans in the world, could not tion fact or fiction? Have two hundred and fifty gentlebring him over the Alleghany to Harrisburg, there to put his name to a paper containing these sentiments and these statements, unless he fully believed them all to be true. men been sent to Harrisburg, by their friends and neighbors, that they may raise a false cry, put statements upon paper which are not true, and send thirty of their own number to Washington, to impose on Congress with a pretended but false story of distress? In the preliminary arrangements of the meeting, and also in its subsequent proceedings, I observe that General The memorial speaks of Pittsburg. It is now within a Frick, of Northumberland, acted a conspicuous part. If few days of twelve months since, for the first time, I I have been rightly informed, this gentleman has been a visited that city, so interesting by its position, by its rapid distinguished friend of the present Chief Magistrate, and growth, by the character of its inhabitants, and by the has supported him and his measures, with ability, both history of early occurrences in its neighborhood. It was in and out of the Legislature of Pennsylvania. Is it panic, then all animation, activity, and cheerfulness. If the is it party spleen, is it ill-will to the President, which smoke of numerous manufactories and work-shops some. brought this highly respectable gentleman, and others what darkened the air and obscured the view of the charmlike him, to the convention? Certainly it is not. Nobody ing scenery around, it gave evidence, still, that occupacan believe it is. They were brought thither, and could tions were prosperous, and that labor was well paid, and only be brought thither, by that sense of duty which is happy in its daily toil. Of thirty thousand inhabitants, it stronger than personal preference; by that true love of is said two-thirds of them owe their means of livelihood country which places principles above men. Would they to manufactures; and it may be asked, with emphasis, and not stand by the President if they could? Popular as he with alarm, unless activity be restored again to the loom still is, powerful as he is, would they not go on in their and the forge, what is to become of this mass of human support of his measures, if insurmountable obstacles were strength and industry, thus thrown out of employment? not in the way? The memorial goes on to say, that the great staples of the There is another circumstance, sir, in the character of State are without a market; that many of its mines are, this convention, worthy of especial notice. Among its more or less, abandoned; that the manufactures of iron members were several who belong to that highly respect- and cotton have fallen off one-third; and the products of able portion of our fellow-citizens, the society of Friends. the field sell only at reduced prices, when they sell at all. With one of them, a member of the committee who" Turn where we will," say the memorialists, "your brings this memorial to Congress, a most worthy and re-memorialists perceive one universal scene of present or opcctable gentleman, I have the pleasure of some person-impending ruin, depressing the energies and darkening al acquaintance. He is advancing far into age, and yet, the prospects of the citizen." sir, he never attended a political meeting in his whole Now, sir, if these statements, put deliberately on paper life, until he went, with others of his society, last week, by this convention, and brought hither by its committee, to Harrisburg! When, sir, were the society of Friends will not convince the administration and its friends of the found to be political agitators, ambitious partisans, or fact of dissatisfaction and distress among the people, all panic-makers? When have they disturbed the commu- effort to produce conviction must fail. We are, indeed, nity with false cries of public danger, or joined in any I fear, attempting a hopeless task. All fact and all reaclamor against just and wise and constitutional govern-soning seem to fall powerless on the unimpressible, impen. ment? Sir, if there be any political fault fairly imputable etrable surface of party opinion. Every blow, however to the Friends, I think it is rather, if they will allow me to often repeated, rebounds from it as from the face of an say so, that they are sometimes a little too indifferent anvil. Men have become so committed, they have so far about the exercise of their political rights; a little too stepped in already, all their hopes are so entirely pledged ready to leave all matters respecting government in the and staked on the success of this grand "experiment," hands of others. Not ambitious, usually, of honor or that any change of purpose appears to be out of the office, but peaceable and industrious, they desire only the question. safety of liberty, civil and religious, the security of prop- I can only repeat, therefore, sir, what I have so often erty, and the protection of honest labor. All they ask said, that I entertain faint hopes of relief, till public opinof Government is, that it be wisely and safely administer-ion shall produce it, by some change of public agents. ed. They are not desirous to interfere in its administra- The authors of this experiment have made up their minds tion. Yet, sir, a crisis can move them; and they think a to share its fate, to float with it, if they can keep it above crisis now exists. They bow down to nothing human water, and to sink with it, if it must go down. They still which raises its head higher than the constitution, or cry out that all is well, all is safe, all is prosperous, all is glorious; and argument, experience, the importunity, even the supplications of the people, have no more influ ence than the idle wind. above the laws. Such, sir, is the character, the composition, of this convention. I beseech gentlemen not to deceive either themselves or others, by referring all its proceedings to Sir, I am happy to believe, as I do believe, that the citparty influence and bank influence. Depend on it, sir, izens of the great State of Pennsylvania are awaking to a it had its origin, and owes its character, to a deep feeling just sense of the condition of the country. Since all our of dissatisfaction with measures of Government, a con- fortunes are so much connected with her own; since all viction of much public distress, and an honest alarm at that she does, and all that she omits to do, may affect the Executive claims of power. And depend on it, sir, if happiness of every man, not only within her own limits, these and other admonitions are not taken in time, if but in all the other States; it is natural that the whole nothing be done to quiet apprehension, and to relieve the country should regard her with interest. I doubt not, country, the sentiments of this convention will become, sir, she will examine the conduct of Government, and take and must become, more and more general among the counsel with her own thoughts, about the security of the people. constitution, and the preservation of the authority of the This memorial, Mr. President, declares, that the cher-laws. I doubt not that she will well consider the present, ished policy of Pennsylvania, consisting of an encourage- and look to the future; and if she finds all well, and all ment of her manufactures, has become impracticable and safe, if she feels no evil, and perceives no danger, she will |