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Vermont Memorials.-Memorial from Boston.
[Mar 1, 1834.
a sudden and general stagnation of business in all its of the State. That they have an interest, in common branches. The trade of the mercbant is diminished and with the other citizens, in the bank, as a fiscal agent of diminishing; the business of the manufacturer and me- the Government, and as the means by which a sound and chanic is curtailed; laborers are thrown out of employ, uniform currency is secured, they admit; and so far from ment; and enterprise, in every department of industry, is entertaining feelings of friendship for the bank or its crippled. They regard the removal of the public de stockholders, I am confident that, until the recent measposites from the Bank of the United States, and the hos- ures of the Executive, by which the operations and imtile attitude assumed by the Executive branch of the Gov. portance of the institution bave become more fully ernment against the bank, in that measure, as the primary known, a majority of the people entertained strong prej. cause of this state of distress and embarrassment. They udices against it. Many who were interested in the deem the said removal of the deposites an unnecessary, banks of that State believed that the United States Bank unwarrantable, and dangerous exercise of power over the exercised an unjust control over the issues of the State public treasure on the part of the Executive, and resort- banks, and thus deprived them of a portion of the prof. ed to for a purpose not within his legitimate duties, by its to which they were entitled; and thus many complainwhich the currency of the country has become deranged, ed of what they now deem essential to a sound and uniand credit and confidence in moneyed institutions and form currency. And thus these measures, by proving to capitalists in a ineasure destroyed. They profess to be the people thie importance of the institution, have pro. lieve that, if this experiment on the currency of the duced great unanimity in favor of a national bank. I can country is persisted in, that their embarrassments will be also assure you, sir, that these memorialists have not been increased, and that their principal staple, wool, and all influenced, in sending to you their memorial, by a spirit other products, must fail of a market, or be sold at ruin- of hostility to the present Chief Magistrate. They feel ous sacrifices. They declare that, in their opinion, a no personal hostility to him. They well know that the sound currency is of indispensable necessity to the enter-political relation which exists between him as Chief prise and prosperity of the country, and in preserving a Magistrate and themselves as citizens of this great repubuniform value to labor and property; that it is the pelic, will soon cease for ever by the expiration of his presculiar province and bounden duty of Congress to provide ent term of service, and they neither expect or desire to and maintain such currency; and that any interference diminish or extend that term. It is true that they are, with the same, on the part of the Executive, is an un- and ever have been, opposed to the leading measures of warranted and dangerous exercise of power. They deem his administration, believing them to be ruinous to the a national bank necessary as the fiscal agent of the Gov. best interests of the country, yet they would sincerely ernment, a safe depository of the public funds, and of rejoice to see him abandon those measures, and then fill the highest utility in preserving a sound and uniform cur- up the remainder of his term of service with usefulness rency, by restraining the issues of the State banks within to his country and honor to himself. They, however, proper bounds, and in furnishing a safe and valuable me possess too much intelligence and firmness of purpose, dium of domestic and foreign exchange. They do not lio yield support to measures which they deem arbitrary advocate a paper currency without an adequate specie and unjust. No, sir, they never will yield nor consent basis, but consider a return to a currency exclusively that a single vestige of their rights shall be wrested from metallic as being not only impracticable and undesirable, them by arbitrary power; they know their rights, and but as a measure fraught with incalculable mischief, if not will maintain thein. Sir, they have no expectation of certain ruin, to all the leading interests of the nation, seeking redress, but in a peaceable, constitutional way. And they call upon Congress for such speedy measures of In this way they will seek until redress becomes hope. relief as will restore the confidence and quiet the appre- less; but they do not despair or even doubt that redress, hensions of the people, in relation to the derangement of sooner or later, will be granted them. They know the the currency and the consequent public distress. jealousy of power entertained by the people; they judge
Mr. President, it is iny good fortune to be acquainted from the bistory of the past, as well as from the present with some of the gentlemen who were present at the signs of the times; and they do not fear the result of the meeting which adopted the resolutions, and whose names issue now pending between the President and the people. are appended to the memorial. I know them well. They should the course adopted prove unsuccessful, and reare men of the first respectability and intelligence. The dress in this way hopeless, I will not predict as to the gentleman who presided at that meeting (my honored future course they may think proper to adopt; they have predecessor) is well known to most of the members of not authorized me to do so; or to use for them (as I have ihe Senate, and will, of course, need no commendation been accused of doing on a former occasion) the language from me. Sir, I consider these gentlemen fully compe-lof threats and menace. Sir, I ask that the resolutions tent to judge of the past and present pecuniary condition and memorial be read, printed with the names, and comof the people of that county, and of the change from a mitted to the Committee on Finance. state of prosperity to a state of embarrassment and distress, which they say bas taken place among them: and
MEMORIAL FROM BOSTON. they are fully competent to judge of the cause which has
Mr. WEBSTER presented the memorial of a large produced that change; and it is their firm, candid, and number of citizens of Boston, whom he spoke of as in. deliberate judgment, that this change has been produced telligent and respectable merchants; setting forth that inc by the unnecessary, unwarrantable, and unjustifiable conveniences arise from the present state of the laws measures of the Executive branch of the Government. regulating the legal tender of the country; that the gold I am aware, sir, that much excitement prevails through- coin bears a less value, in relation to silver, tban its just out the country on the subject, and it has heretofore been and true value; and they pray Congress that the lecharged to memorialists who have complained of Execu- gal value of gold may be made to correspond with its tive encroachments and abuse of power, that they have real value, and that the coins of other countries, at propbeen influenced by interest in, or friendship for, the Bank er rates, may be made a legal tender. The subject, of the United States, or by a spirit of hostility to the said Mr. W., is important; and I entirely concur in the Chief Magistrate of the United States. Sir, these me- opinions here expressed. Indeed, sir, I have had a meas. morialists have no interest in the bank but what is com- ure, in relation to the subject, prepared for some weeks, mon to all other citizens. I believe there is not a share but have delayed bringing it forward, in consequence of of that bank owned by a citizen of that county; and I be the pendency of a similar measure in the otber House. lieve also that very little, if any, is owned by any resident I have the pleasure to notice, that that measure is making
Mar 1, 1834.]
(SENATE. progress, and may be expected soon to receive a decis- Mr. President, I some time since, on the presentation ion. The memorialists will see that their wishes, in this of a memorial from Hamilton county, suggested the be. particular, have been in some measure anticipated; and lief, derived from the highly respectable gentleman from that there is reason to hope that such a law as they desire whom I received it, that two-thirds of the qualified voters will shortly pass.
of the county bad signed, or were ready to sign, that The memorial was referred.
paper, if it had been presented to them. My colleague MEMORIAL FROM ROSS COUNTY, OHIO.
declared his belief, founded on a long acquaintance and
intimate knowledge of the city and county, that the meMr. EWING said: I have before me, and am instruct.morial did not in fact contain a number of signatures ed to present to the Senate, a memorial signed by 1,750 -equal to half the voters in the city. Returns of the last of the inhabitants and qualified voters of the county of October election, since received, enable me to say that Ross, in the State of Ohio. That county includes a fair the memorial is signed by a number equal to more than portion of the beautiful and fertile valley of the Scioto-half the votes given in the city and county at the last Occovering a part, also, of the picturesque region which tober election, and my general information as to the opinlies between the broad and level plains towards the north ion of the people of that county is confirmed by all that and west, and the hilly and mineral country to the south- I have since heard on that subject. east. Its citizens, and I know them well, for many of On the authority of those 4,310 witnesses, I spoke of them are my old and respected friends, are intelligent, general pecuniary pressure and mercantile embarrassindustrious, and enterprising; and, as it is one of the old ment in that county, and especially in the city. My col. est counties in the State, they have many of them accu. league, on the authority of very recent information, demulated that degree of competence, and even wealth, nied that such embarrassment existed, and stated that the which is the sure reward of well-directed industry, in a prices of all agricultural products were better than they country so highly favored by nature as that is. The num- had been for former years. I hold in my hand a price ber of votes given in that county, at the last October elec- current for the 11th of April, the day on which the distion, is stated at 2,464; and the gentleman who has for-cussion took place in the Senate, for four successive years, warded me this memorial, states, that, in addition to the which will show that my colleague was wrongly informed signatures which I now present, a sufficient number are in on that subject, and that my own information was correct. the hands of gentlemen, and not yet returned, to swell The comparative prices are as follows: the aggregate to 2,000. I think I may, therefore, fairly 1830– Flour, superfine
$300 assume that this memorial expresses the opinions and the
10 50 feelings of a majority of the people of that county.
9 00 Ross county, perhaps, would feel as little the direct effect
7 00 of the overthrow of the Bank of the United States as any
63 part of the Western country. As far as I know, the peo
Whist zy, gallon
18. ple of that county are not, to any considerable extent, its 1831-Flour.superfine
4. 00 debtors; and they have in their principal town, Chilli.
12 00 cothe, one of the oldest and strongest of our banks. But
10 50 that bank cannot, consistently with its own safety—which
8 00 I feel assured its directors will never hazard-supply the
7 wants of the commercial and agricultural community: 1832—Flour, superfine
4 00 Mr. President, I will say nothing of the former politi
11 00 cal opinions of the people of Ross, who have signed this
9 50 memorial, or of those who have not signed it. It is im.
7 50 material what may have been their personal preferences;
7 they are all American citizens; all friends of free Goy.
23 ernment and national prosperity; all opposed to ruinous 1833-Flour, superfine
4 62 esperiments on the happiness of a great and free people;
11 25 all , I trust, opposed to a concentration of the powers of
10 00 Government in the hands of one man.
8 00 The memorialists, in common with the rest of their
6 fellow-citizens, complain of the deranged state of the
26 currency-the destruction of commercial credit and con- 1834 Flour, superfine
2.75 fidence—the fall of price in all the great staples of the
Pork, clear, no price country; and especially in the price of fat cattle, their
10 00 principal staple. They trace the causes of all these
8 00 evils to that fatal experiment, to which all candid and
7 intelligent men will finally attribute them, notwithstand.
18 ing the bold and repeated asseverations of those who be- And, by a letter which I have just received, I am adgan by denying the existence of public distress, and now vised that the morning after the paper containing those attempt to cast the censure upon the victim, instead of prices current went to the press, an arrival from New Orthe perpetrator of the lawless aggression which caused it. leans brought intelligence that four had fallen there to
The memorialists further say, that, if the Bank of the $2 87}; that bacon was down to about 3 cents, and whisUnited States had been permitted to live out its day, and key to 18 cents; and a letter from the son of a member expire in due course of time, that its termination would of the other House, who is an extensive farmer, states have caused less embarrassment in the country; that the that four has fallen to $in Dayton, and that the millers people would have been prepared to meet it, and could have ceased to do merchant work, in consequence of the have done so, without great or serious suffering; but that fall of prices. I am further advised that I was not inac. they were unprepared for the sudden shock which is thus curate in my incidental remarks, as to the notes of the brought on their business by this wanton attack upon the bank of Maryland, in circulation in Ohio. A letter from bank, which has so deranged the business of the coun- a gentleman in Manchester, in that State, informs me that try, that it most imperiously requires a remedy; and that a large amount of those notes were in circulation in that none is, in their judgment, so safe and adequate as the neigliborhood; and that the heirs of one of his friends had re-cbarter of the Bank of the United States.
sold their patrimony, and received payment in that paper,
Memorial from Ross County, Ohio.-- Proceeds of Public Lands.
[Mar 2, 1834.
and that they were reduced from competence to poverty; tunity would be given to the Senator from Georgia to reunless those notes, which are worth nothing now in Ohio,ply to the reasoning of the report, whenever the bill will bring something in market, at home.
should come up for consideration. The report concluded My colleague also erred in the supposition that the with no resolution, but simply recommended the passage stock in the banks, lately chartered, in Cincinnati, was of the bill. It was a new bill, and the gentleman from subscribed for freely. I am informed that none of that Georgia would have an opportunity to express his sentistock is yet in market.
ments concerning it. The bill proposed to divide four I also, said Mr. E., take this occasion to present the and a half millions, which was the amount of the sales of memorial of 112 citizens of Vermilion township, in Rich- public lands last year, among the States. It was not probland county, in the State of Ohio. These memorialists able, however, that, owing to the measures of the Execureside in the northern part of that State. They are, by tive, the revenue from that source, during the present occupation, like the rest of their fellow-citizens, farmers. year, would be more than one-half of the last year. It It is an agricultural community, and the effect of this ex- was proposed to divide this four and a half millions. All periment operates chiefly upon their agricultural prod- parts of the bill were open to amendment, or to such al
They say, what all others say as to the present terations as the Senate might desire. The Senator would state of things; and in addition, they say that they remem. have sufficient opportunity to look over the bill, and he ber the unfortunate state of our currency when the old might then criticise its provisions as freely as he chose. Bank of the United States went down, and they dread Mr. MOORE said that he would not oppose the motion the same misfortune if the present state of things con- to print, as there was an extra number of the message tinues, and if the Bank of the United States be not re-printed, and that was done on his motion. He therefore chartered; and they pray for its re-charter as the only considered that it would be improper in him to make obsufficient remedy for the present deranged state of our jections to the extra number of the report. As a memcurrency.
ber of the Committee on Public Lands, he was opposed Mr. WEBSTER said, that he esteemed it an honor to to the report. He would not now go over the ground of have been requested, on behalf of the memorialists from this objection. Neither the bill nor the report embraced Ross county, to enforce, if he could, the sentiments of the views of the people of Alabama, nor, he believed, of their memorial on the convictions of the Senate.
any of the new States. He would move to lay the report The opinions expressed in the memorial are such opin on the table until to-morrow, that every Senator might ions, said Mr. W., as I agree to, without exception. They have an opportunity of examination. are true opinions, I think, respecting the present condi- The motion was withdrawn. tion of the country, the causes of that condition, and the Mr. PRESTON said, that, considering that by his vote only practicable remedy for the evils under which the on printing the report, he should give no indication of the country is at present suffering. It would give me great vote he should give on the bill, he would vote in favor of pleasure to persuade Congress to adope these sentiments, the motion. for the sake of the whole country. Ige .ve the pleasure The motion to lay on the table was then renewed, and to know several of the signers of this paper, and I must decided in the negative. speak of them, Mr. President, as persons who have an Mr. FORSYTH referred to the commencement of the important stake in the great interests of the country, and report, on the subject of the non-return of the land bill who are very competent judges of what measures those at the last session, and urged that it was impossible, beinterests require Congress to adopt. These citizens of cause the bill itself could not have been placed in the Ross county, sir, may be assured, that, for one, I concur hands of the President for his examination until 4 o'clock with them in sentiment; that I heartily approve their pro. of the last day of the session. The President could ceedings, and shall act, steadily and cordially, in support scarcely have had time to read the bill. It was known of measures such as shall promise, in my judgment, to to every one that the President reads by proxy. The restore to them that prosperity of which I have so recent-different members of the cabinet read the bill, and when ly seen them in full enjoyment, and to which their own they came to any part which they think admits of doubt, enterprise and industry, as well as the natural advantages they call his attention to it. It was said in the report, of their situation, give them so just a right.
that Mr. Maclison sent back. his message on the bank bill, The memorials were then read, referred to the Com- usually called the bonus bill, on the same evening. But mittee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.
what was that message? It was so short as only to cover At quarter past 4, on motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the half a sheet of paper. And it was said that he sent it in Senate proceeded to the consideration of Executive bu- because his successor was coming in after 12 o'clock that siness; and, after remaining some time with closed doors, night. Now, he, Mr. F., did not understand that the The Senate adjourned.
successor cannot act on the bill sent to his predecessor.
This seemed to him to be an erroneous idea. Suppose FRIDAY, May 2.
there were to be an interregnum here, would there be
any interruption of the Executive power? The constituPROCEEDS OF PUBLIC LANDS.
tion supposes a continuance of power. If the President Mr. CLAY having made a report from the Committee should receive a bill, and not have time to examine it, it on Public Lands, on the bill to appropriate, for a term of became the province of his successor to open it and act years, the proceeds of the public lands, and on the rea- upon it. There can be no hesitation on this subject, alsons assigned by the President for the return of that bill; though Mr. Madison doubted that his successor had the and having moved for the printing of 5,000 extra copies, power.
Mr. FORSYTII opposed the motion, on the ground If the report throughout justified the impression made that it involved an unnecessary expenditure of public at the commencement, it was calculated to produce the money, and that he could not consent to print what he impression that the President was unjust to Congress, and had not heard.
the publication of it would be to sanction the dogma of Mr. CLAY said, that, if the ordinary number only had the committee. He might vote for the printing, if he been printed of the message of the President, on the sub- were allowed time to examine the report. ject of that bill, he should not have asked for the print. He asked the ayes and noes on the question of printing ing of an extraordinary number of this report. This report the extra number, and they were ordered. answered the arguments of the message, treating them, Mr. POINDEXTER said the President must have at the same time, with all proper respect; and an oppor- known the provisions of this bill several months, perhaps
Mar 2, 1834.]
Proceeds of Public Lands.
a year before it passed, and he had then made it the sub- was not presented to the President until the last moment, ject of a specific message, to mislead the judgments of and when, from the very nature of his duties, it was absothe people. It was a measure of immense importance to lutely impossible for him to give even the slightest exthe new States, and the course pursued by the President amination to so important a measure, much less to pre. was most extraordinary; it was not such a message as he pare his objections in time to send them in. Now, he kad a right to present, because we could not originate would appeal to the Senator from Kentucky, whether it any new measure on it. Why should the new States ask was just to censure the President for withholding this for appropriations for public improvements and educa- bill for the few moments then remaining of the session, tion, when they set their faces against the measure which when he must either act on it instantly without examinawould effect it.
tion, or wait until the next session, to send in his objecMr. BLACK said that he was not willing that his vote tions. The Senator also thought that, had the bill been on the printing should be made the test of his vote on the returned by the President, that two-thirds of both Houses bill. The bill was very important as relates to the great would have been found to pass on it. Now, was the principle involved in it, as well as the great objects to Senator correct, as to the facts of the case? Was it which it looks. He had voted against the former bill, possible that two-thirds could have concurred in passing and his opinions being uncianged, he should vote against inis bill, if it had been returned, when the Journals of the present, unless material modifications were introdu- this House contradicted it most conclusively? The bill ced. But his opposition was not on the ground assumed was passed by a majority of only three; and what grounds in the veto message. As to plenary powers on the sub. then, had the gentleman for supposing that such a change ject, it was his conviction that Congress possessed them. would have taken place in the opinions of members of He also thought that Congress had been altogether liberal the Senate, in that short space of time, as to give a mato the new States. He was not, therefore, against the jority of two-thirds? It was not even possible that such bill on either of these grounds. His objections were, that a change could have taken place. the bill distributed the gross, instead of the neit proceeds, The President, (Mr. K. said,) as soon as it was in his kaving the expenses of collections on sales to be defray- power, examined the provisions of this bill, and at the ed out of the duties on imports. Ile was altogether op- earliest possible time thereafter, returned it, with his obposed to the idea that the bill was unconstitutional. jections, lo Congress. Although it had been several
He could not consent that the question of printing a doc- months before Congress, yet the bill had undergone many ument in reference to an important law should be made and important changes before it finally passed, and at too the test of opinion as to the principles of the bill itself. late an hour for the President to become acquainted with He should vote for the motion to print an extra number. them. IIow could the President pass upon this bill, until
Mr. PORTER said that he was surprised at the discus- it came to him in its proper shapes and although he sion which had taken place to-day. He could not have might have been acquainted with it, as it was originally imagined that the Senate would have spent so much time introduced, how couli he have prepared his objections in discussing the subject of printing, when it had such a before hand, to a bill that might be and was so essentially pressure of business on its hands. This was not a ques. altered in its details? The President, at the very first tion whether the Senate approved of the report, but moment he possibly could, under that instrument by merely whether the opinions of the committee should be which we all hold our seats in the Senate, returned the given at large to the nation. He thought it necessary bill to Congress, with the reasons why he could not apthat the report should go abroad, in order that they prove of it. The gentleman from Mississippi said, that might learn the opinions of the people in regard to it, be.fihe message of the President was a most extraordinary fore proceeding to legislate on the matter. On referring one, and as the gentleman was so fond of rejecting the to the Journal of the Senate, he had found that, on the President's communications, he supposed he would be 5th of December, 1833, the President sent in his message for rejecting this also. As the gentleman seemed so fond to the Senate, stating that lie had vetoed the land bill of finding fault, he thought he should take care that it which had been passed at the previous session, and he should be done in such a way that the people should not gave his reasons at length for that act. Ile (Mr. P.) per- suppose he acted solely with a faull-finding spirit. The ceived that, on that occasion, the honorable gentleman Senator spoke of the great advantages to be derived to from Alabama (Mr. Moone) moved that 5,000 extra cop- the new States from the adoption of the bill; but he and ies of the message be printed. Now, there appeared to the Senator thought quite differently on the subject. He, have been no opposition made to the motion of the hon on the contrary, thought the passage of the bill would orable member.' Why, then, he would ask, should there produce great disadvantages to the new States. Why, the be any objection to printing the same number of copies sales of the public lands could only produce four millions, of this report? He could not, for his part, see any possi- and how could it produce two millions to the State of ble ground for objecting to this course being taken.' The Mississippi? Was the State of Mississippi to get one-half bill, in his opinion, was of as much importance as any of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands? that could coine before the Senate. Believing, as he did, Mr. POINDEXTER explained: If five hundred thou. that if the bill should receive the sanction of Congress sand acres of land were granted to the State of Missisit would put an end to conflicting interests of the most sippi, she could have them so located as to produce three delicate nature, he should most heartily record his vote dollars per acre, in favor of the measure.
Mr.KING said he should like to have an opportunity to Mr. KING, of Alabama, said he was not disposed, on examine this document, before he voted on the printing this occasion, to enter into any discussion on the merits of of it. lle had great reluctance to withhold information, the bill. At this time, he said it was not either necessary but he must vote against printing so large an edition, unor proper; but he rose for the sole purpose of doing til he had given it some examination. If the gentleman justice to the course of the President of the United States would consent to let the paper lie on the table, he would with regard to the message sent to the Senate, giving his look into it at his earliest opportunity, and if he could reasons why he could not sanction the measure. He was consistently vote for the printing, he would cheerfully surprised that the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,] do so. when adverting to the fact that the bill had not been re- Mr. CLAY said he might have been willing to consent turned by the President at the conclusion of the last to the postponement of the motion to print, if the gentlesession, had cast some censure on him for this omission, man from Georgia had not put his suggestion on the imwhen he and every Senator knew the fact that the bill possible contingency that he might, on examination, con
Proceeds of Public Lands.
[MAY 2, 1834.
sent to the positions in the report. If the Senate will zance of it. There is no such statement. But to whom consent to the printing, he will give an opportunity to the could Mr. Monroe have returned the toll bill next people to examine, and give their decision as to the cor- morning? Congress had gone. A bill must be returned, rectness of these positions. The gentleman from Alaba- according to the constitutional provision, or it dies. This ma says that we are a fault-finding set on this side of the is one objection to the conduct of General Jackson. He Senate. If we are, I may truly say that the gentlemen has deprived Congress of their constitutional right. By on the other side are a fault-mending body. I think the withholding it, the President defeats the bill, although the gentleman from Alabama and myself had better change two Houses should be unanimous in its favor. This bill spectacles, as we are about of the same age, and each was gone. It was not well understood at the time; and look out of the other's glasses. We should both read the those who were desirous to act upon it, could not. The message differently. I think the message of the President constitutional limit of ten days, did not apply in this case. was extra constitutional. It was sending us a dead bill, on The object of that provision is to prevent Congress, at which we could founil no action. If the printing of the their long session, from adjourning for the purpose of demessage had been decided by the consistency of its rea- feating any design of the President to use the veto power; soning, no one would have voted for it. But we on this but it has no reference to the short session. If we examside voted for the extra number of the message. So much ine our statute-book, we shall find that three-fourths of all for our liberality. Although the President sent us a dead the laws passed at the short session are passed on the 2d bill, on which no legislative measure can be founded, we of March, the day before the adjournment of the two propose an answer to his reasons, as able as we can make Houses. The complaint now is, that, on a subject which it. And what is the liberality of gentleman on the other had been examined by the President, and was well un. side? They object to the printing because they think it derstood by him, a bill should have been kept back by will be sending out reasoning which the people will not him, and Congress should thus be deprived of their condetect. I said, if the President gives bad reasons, let stitutional right of passing the bill, the objections of the them go forth, that the people may discover them: if he President to the contrary notwithstanding. reasons well, the people ought to be possessed of his ar- I am sorry that on a question of printing, I should have guments. I, therefore, was not against the printing. been drawn into this discussion. ' I take it for granted,
The gentleman from Alabama says he does not think after the printing of an extra number of the veto message, the lost bill could have been passed by a constitutional gentlemen would have had no fears that the reasoning of majority. I speak it in my place, that I solemnly believe the President, which it took him nine months to prepare, that nearly or quite the constitutional majority could have might not be safely trusted against a report of the Combeen obtained for the bill. We only wanted in this House mittee of Public Lands, drawn up amidst the pressing three or four members to make up the constitutional ma- business of an unexampled session. He concluded with jority; and in the other House the bill was passed by a expressing his regret that the gentleman from Alabama majority exceeding two-thirds of the number who voted. (Mr. MOORE] did not consider himself at liberty to follow I do not admit that we, in our practice, are to bind our the counsels of his own judgment; for he (Mr. C.) was selves by those rigid rules which govern in a court of satisfied that the conclusions of the gentleman's mind, if justice.
he were free to act upon them, would lead him to sancThere is another fact. It was currently understood tion the reasoning of the report. that the President was at the Capitol, examining the bills. Mr. FORSYTH said that he was afraid he should not He is said to have come here with the veto in his pocket, be very liberal if he followed the example of the honorin case the bill should pass. There was a provision in the able Senator from Kentucky. A document had been bill specifying colonization as one of the objects to which sent here from one of the departments some days since, the proceeds were to be applied. This was stricken out and which an honorable member wished to have printed, in the House. The veto is said to have been prepared in but it was laid upon the table, (where it still remained,) reference to that clause, and was rendered inapplicable bylon motion of the gentleman from Kentucky. The Senthe striking of it out of the bill. I will tell the member ator was mistaken if he supposed there was any appre. from Alabama that I have no proof which would enable hension on the part of honorable Senators to affect his me in a court of law to establish this fact, but I believe it argument. He (Mr. F.) and others, were apprehensive to be true. The bill was brought under the notice of lest the responsibility attaching to the report which had Congress the session before the last, and was passed at just been read, should not rest with those only who supthe last session: it is the practice of the Secretary to send ported it, but with the whole Senate. He tlierefore in. copies of bills to the President while they are pending. tended to record bis vote for the purpose of showing That bill was sent to him the year before the last, and it that he did not approve of it. With respect to the power was a subject of comment in his message. He'ought, of the President to give his approbation to a bill passed therefore, to understand the subject sufficiently. The by Congress after his predecessor should have quitted same bill was sent him last session. At what time was it office, it was hardly necessary to argue the question. sent to him? It was sent to bim at 5 o'clock of the 2d of But he would say a word or two as to what was his own March, and Congress adjourned the next morning. With judgment in the matter. The honorable Senator seemed all his previous information, and with the bill for nine to suppose that the successor of one President could not hours in his possession, could he not have examined it? put his signature to any legislative enactment which might When the Cumberland road bill, usually called the tolls be left unfinished by his predecessor, and therefore it bill, was returned by Mr. Monroe, he sent it back the would not be obligatory on the people. The constitution, same evening, with a statement that he would transmit he (Mr. F.) would assert, made a bill, sent by either of his reasons at the next session. He afterwards sent a the two Houses of Congress to the President, binding on pamphlet which placed me under the necessity of saying the people of this country, provided he approved of and an unkind thing, considering how sincerely I respected returned it within ten days. Indeed, it would become a him—that there was so much of it, that it was difficult to law, without his consent, if he kept it more than ten days find the argument. As to Mr. Madison, he returned the in his possession. The honorable Senator from Kentucky bank bill which was sent to him the 3d of March, had told the Senate in the most solemn terms, that the on the same evening. The gentleman from Georgia bill of last session, if it had been sent back to the Senate, bad alleged that the report stated that the bill ought would have been passed by a constitutional majority. to have been returned on the same evening, because Now, this only showed how prejudiced we could be when the successor of General Jackson could not take cogni-lour wishes were involved in a inatter. Let the gentle