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Nar I, 1834.)

Baltimore Proceedings.


with a violation of the constitution and laws. Here was as traitors. In Philadelphia, too, these gentlemen were something clear, positive, palpable, and tangible. In the received not only with impunity, but with applause. other instance there was nothing but an error in judg- This only showed how changeable we are, and he ment imputed. He had no objection whatever that the could not say how it might all be in six months hence, gentleman from Maryland should call his friends whigs. for if fifteen thousand men in Baltimore twelve months All he (Mr. G.) contended against was the assumption ago considered that almost treason which they were now that they were the exclusive whigs, for they were not de-hugging to their bosoms as patriotism, we did not know serving of the title. If the name was significant of the what it might be twelve months hence. They had given old tenets upon politics, he hoped that the whigs would us their opinions to-day, and by that time they might include ninety-nine-hundredths of the people. Whigs change them, and therefore he could not calculate where they were, but there was no class exclusively so. Mr. they might be found hereafter. Now, he took no excepG. admitted that among the friends of the administration tion whatever to all this, and yesterday, or the day prethere were a great variety of opinions on various subjects. ceding, when the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Clar} but that fact only showed that they did not yield their was lecturing Governor Wolf about changing his opinions, opinions to the opinions or will of one man. We (the it was saying nothing more than what was applicable to friends of the administration) stood, in our humble judg- the gentleman himself. Governor Wolf was formerly ment, on the principles which were upheld in '99, and in favor of the bank, and now he way against it, no doubt which were carried down to the present day. And be- from the most honest convictions. The Senator himself tween the gentleman from Maryland and himself there had changed his own opinion on the same subject; therewas not so much difference, after all. Here was a cover fore, no censure could attach to gentlemen for entertainunder which we could both get, and therefore, in regarding one opinion to-day, and on further consideration, to their whiggism, there was not so much difference as changing it, and acting on it. So, some of these citizens the gentleman thought. Mr. G. believed they were whigs of Baltimore were once friends of the President; they and we were whigs, but he hoped the gentleman would had now changed, but might they not come back? He not throw the correlative of the term on him, for he did not think it strange that there should be changes in thought he did not deserve it, and if the gentleman would be our large cities

. They were suffering distress, and they willing to let us all go on as whigs, no inconvenience would had been told that the President was the cause of it, but result from it. But when he excludes us, who are as true when they examined the matter, they might find out whigs as any, then we feel an insurrectionary spirit, and that the cause of it was of a very different nature. Mr. we are not quite satisfied with the treatment. These G. thought the answer of the gentleman from Kentucky citizens of Baltimore then, have taken the name of whigs, to his speech was sufficient, and yet the gentleman from and there are none more deserving of it. But when they Maryland comes in and adds a new codicil to the will, and get a new name, and they make a great boast of it, it the codicil (a thing that is very uncommon) is longer than seemed like claiming what they never had before. Now, the will itself. He (Mr. G.) did not like personal re, they were whigs long before this new assumption of the marks. He knew himself to be weak, vulnerable, and name. They were whigs in the revolution, and also in the last war, and the citizens of Baltimore were not doing very imperfect, and therefore he did not like to be asthemselves justice to claim just now what they had borne

Mr. CHAMBERS inquired what he had said which for the last halt century, and it was not right for their had grieved the honorable member? friends to put this garment on them, as if it were new,

Mr. GRUNDY said, that he had not been grieved at when it is an old one, long worn by them, and is none the

any thing the honorable member had said. The burden worse for wear. He, therefore, objected to the friends he had imposed on him was light, and easy to be borne. of the whigs of Baltimore putting this mantle on as for But what he had said in his speech had been answered, the first time, for they had it before; it was no new in- and he took exception to having it answered over again. vention, or new thing. But, sir, we go under a name, But he would add nothing more upon these memorials; and a good old one too, which distinguished us from all but if they came from his state, he would endeavor to others. In the struggle between the elder Adams and do them justice. These memorialists had taken up a Mr. Jefferson, the friends of Mr. Jefferson were called subject, and decided that, in the absence of all legislative democrats, and the friends of Mr. Adams aristocrals, by

purposes, where there is no design, avowed or implied, way of derision, and the name of republican was assumed. of legislative action, either House of Congress has a right This was significant as to the powers of the General Gov. to take up the conduct of any individual, discuss it, and ernment and its different branches. Now, this term decide upon it. If we should adopt this course, we would whig will not do as a designation of party, because it in- have but little time for legitimate legislation. We should cludes a majority of all parties.. Gentlemen have found try the President, and condemn him, and then the Secreout that the term national republican will not answer their tary of State, and then take up Governor Wolf, if you purpose, because it cannot be spread broad enough to please, and decide on him; and so go on and decide upon embrace a majority. The whigs would cover every body; all other officers in the Government, against whom we and therefore he wanted the gentleman to find some name may entertain prejudices. Then we should take up the that would do. National republican would not cover the Governor of South Carolina, and Mr. G. thought he would South-it would not cross the Potomac. You might build be in a very bad way; he would probably be hung by your contemplated fine bridge across that river, and still the sentence of this body. We should then proceed to it would not cross it for the South, not even so far as Vir- examine all the public men in the country. Well, this ginia or North Carolina; and as to South Carolina, it could might all be right, but he thought we should not have not get within sight of it. South Carolina was fond of a full time to make all these examinations. He thought name which she would not swap for it, because these nul- we came here to make laws, and provide for the public lifiers of the South wanted to establish their own princi- good and general welfare; but if we were to give opinions ples. Well, the time was, when they could not get out on all the public men in the country, it might be a more of the limits of South Carolina with them; and they were pleasant employment, and perhaps, in the opinions of quite pent up there—but they seem to have expanded some gentlemen, redound more to the good of mankind, smce. He (Mr. G.) had not read, but he had heard much to censure public men, than make laws. We should do talk of the nullifying gentlemen lately visiting north little else. He would not, therefore, subscribe to the of this place; and they were taken to the bosom by men, doctrine that we have a right merely to express an opinwho, twelve months ago, were ready to denounce them lion, and especially for the Senate, because we are the

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Baltimore Proceedings.

(Mar 1, 1834,

ultimate triers of all officers of the General Government; der the broad banner of the constitution. Does the Presand if we have a right, beforehand, to enter judgment, byterian give up his principles because he joins the Episimpeachment is a mere matter of form. He could not, copalian and marches by his side to fight against the therefore, concur in the sentiments expressed by the British? We have united on a principle broad enough to citizens of Baltimore.

include all. The gentleman comprehends all this. There Mr. CHAMBERS said that the Senator from Tennessee are none so dull as those who will not understand-none had made a remark which was to him entirely unintelli- so blind as those who will not see. The gentlemen gible, and if he (Mr. C.) had no other apology to offer who had been referred to had gone to Baltimore, and for rising to answer the Senator, he mighi claim one for had endeavored to awaken the people. They have done having answered some of the remarks, from the difficulty so, and I will tell the gentleman, whether the note is for he had to understand precisely what he meant. The nullification or consolidation, it will call forth a warm reSenator says that when he rebukes, he avoids personal sponse, and attract universal approbation; whether they allusions, ihat he is vulnerable and weak, and did not are told by distinguished and eloquent advocates of nulli. like to be assailed. Now, (said Mr. C.,) all this is point- fication or consolidation, when the people begin to uned at me, and I ask the Senator of what he complains? derstand that their constitution, their liberties and rights What does he complain of? For he does complain in are in danger, that all power is going out of their hands, piteous terms.

and that usurpation is the order of the day, there will be Mr. GRUNDY said, Because I was dragged into the a common fag, and every effort will be made to drive discussion, and had given no provocation.

from the Chair him who shall have been found unworthy Mr. CHAMBERS said he should now add another codi- of the power which the constitution has placed in his hands. cil. Had the gentleman from Tennessee a constitutional ex- The gentleman thinks that we require a large cover emption from criticism? Was he to be exempt from all re- for our party, and I have yet to learn if he intends to mark? He had said himself that he made a remark some come under it. The gentleman has not always been able years ago, which was the origin of the remark made now, to keep the step, and if he had not yet got it, there will that he had used the expression “moral treason,” and be some jostling between him and his companions. I that it had now been quoted and adopted. What was have never yet been able to get the Jackson step. The the position now occupied by the gentleman? He seem- gentleman may have been more successful, but I believe ed to be floating between nullification and Jacksonism. he is not very perfect, although he has tried hard to obBecause his speech had been once answered, he rebuked tain it. gentlemen for answering again. If the gentleman were The gentleman is of opinion that there is no similarity to to advance such doctrines in Baltimore, as he had ad- this case in the Panama mission. That was merely an error vanced here, he would find ten thousand men ready to in thought: this was an error in act. It was precisely so. rebuke him, as well as his master, whether the rebuke Mr. Adams only thought he had the power; but General would be acceptable or unacceptable. No man could Jackson did not stop at thinking. While Mr. Adams assume an exemption from criticism; and this was the first thought that he might have had it, General Jackson time he had heard any man so sensitive as to consider a seizes and wields it. remark in the light of a rebuke.

The gentleman thinks there is no relevance in what I A word or two now as to what the Senator had said. read from the debates. What has the President done? He had labored for half an hour to show what party bad !le has sent in his protest, for the purpose of overthrowa right to the name of whig. The right was claimed on ing our power, and putting us down." Yet, as a matter our side. It was disputed. He (Mr. C.) bad re-asserted of course, the Senator goes the whole in favor of the it. The Senator from Tennessee said,'" It wont do.” protest. The gentleman is responsible for his acts only Now, (said Mr. C.,) I think it will do. The gentleman to his state, and I have nothing to say between him and talked the other day about the incoherent materials of his constituents. I am against the protest, and I take my the opposition, and said this was an old name. It was an course without waiting for any changes. old name; I have borne it from my infancy, and I cannot The error of Mr. Adams was an error of thought, not now assume it as a new name, because it is old. If it was of fact. The gentleman says I was then on the side of an old name, what objection is there to a party holding power, that I was not acting on the whig principles, not it which is understood to have borne the name for forty opposing executive encroachment. What was the occayears. The objection is not good. The gentleman be-sion to which the gentleman refers? A despised and longs now to the Jackson party—a party not known but oppressed people, in the southern portion of this contifor a few years. Can the gentleman tell what name will nent, had been long the object of universal sympathy belong to the next party to which he may be attached? and regard among the American nation. An individual Can he foretel the new name of his party? The gentle who acts from the noblest motives, and is not slow in the man will have some difficulty to recognise his party after movements of his mind, of whom I would say more if he a short time, under its present name. The gentleman were farther from me, took up the case, and advocated says that nullification is not yet given up, but that the the cause of that oppressed people. Mr. Adams carried national republicans were tired of their name. They out that feeling. Was there any violation of whiggism are not tired; they glory in the name; and I mean to con- in this? I think it was the very essence of the true whig tinue to be a national republican. But what surprises principles. It was the act of whigs, and I went with it. me most, is, to hear from the gentleman that Philadelphia i never indeed voted for the resolutions, because they and Baltimore have become converts to nullification. never came to a vote. There was a great deal of debate Mr. GRUNDY explained, that he did not say they for the purpose of defeating them. They were discussed

de die in diem, and were finally laid on the table. This Mr. CHAMBERS. I am at a loss to understand the gen- was the history of the matter. I was in favor of the reso. tleman. He said that the nullifiers bad been to Phila- lutions, of giving to that people a free constitution, and delphia and to Baltimore, and that the people of those a government of laws. cities had hugged them to their bosoms. Yet they were I am not aware of any thing else in the gentleman's not converts to nullification! The people had become speech which I am called on to notice. If the Senator attached to the nullifiers, because they took sides with supposes that I alluded to him in an unkind feeling, be is the people. There was now a danger more imminent, unjust to bimself and to me. I had no siich feeling to an enemy more dangerous to the country, than nullifica- gratify. I have merely used a license which is customary, tion; and every man quits bis prejudices and rallies un correct, and legitimate, common to every one in argu

were converts.

Marl, 1834.]

Ballimore Proceedings.


ment, and a right which I cannot, and will not consent to his opinions, except for strong and sufficient reasons; and give up.

these reasons ought to be stronger when the change has Mr. GRUNDY replied that he yielded to the gentleman been recent. from Maryland entirely, as a soldier of age and experi- As to Governor Wolf, lie stated in a message of Decemence, for he would not enter the ranks with him. But ber, 1832, his regret that the bank had not been re-charthe gentleman said that he (Mr. G.) had entered into the tered; that it had rendered services to the country; and ranks of the Jackson party, and must soon leave the name; that it was his opinion that if another bill was presented for Jackson must die, and with that event the name. to the President, it would experience a different fate. But (Mr. G. remarked) the Jefferson party did not ex- The Governor has now changed his opinion. As to the pire with his administration or his life. It has grown up change of my own opinion, what was it? Before the since into three or four parties. Were there not three commencement of the late war, I had adopted the opinor four Jefferson dinners given lately? He (Mr. G.) was ion of the whig party, that it was unconstitutional to have invited to one of them in Philadelphia, although he did a bank. Then came on the war, bringing in its train Aucnot go, and what was perhaps worse, neglected to send tuation, difficulty, and distress, demonstrating to the an apology. But the gentleman from South Carolina country the necessity of such an establishment. I must (Mr. Prestox] was there; and the gentleman near me beg to call the attention of my friend from Tennessee to (Blr. Forsetu) was at another of them—the one to which the state of the votes on the war question. The vote he (Mr. G.) had been invited-so that lie did not know stood for the war 79—against it 49. On comparison of this how it might be at the death of General Jackson. Now, vote with the vote on the subject of a bank, in the next he would say no more on this occasion—the gentleman Congress, it will be seen that of the 79, forty were refrom Maryland did not understand him, and he could not turned; and that of the 40, 28 were for, and 12 against a make him understand him. Thesc memorialists were bank. If we extend our research down to 1816, we shall whigs, and Mr. G. would not deny it. But good things find, I believe, nearly the same proportion in favor of the were not made exclusively for any set of men; they were bank, as there was for the declaration of war.

The exmade for all mankind. And when a man was making a perience of the war changed every body. Some who monopoly of a good thing, he did not think he was doing held that a bank was unconstitutional, went out of the right. So, if one man, or party of men, shall by force way, in order to allow the bill to pass, so entirely were appropriate the whole territory of a nation to himself or they convinced that the bank was necessary for the purthe raselves, and refuse the rigkts of appropriation to poses of the Government. Then was established this others, it would be wrong. Now, whig belongs to all whig bank, approved by Mr. Madison, which gentlemen friends of their country in common. The term Christian are so assiduously endeavoring to destroy. If any gentle. includes a variety of religious sects; yet, if one sect should man would read the accounts of the state of the currency set themselves up and say that we alone are Christians, at that period, of its depreciated value, notes being no. would it not look like crowding the others out! In the where at par, except in New England, where they were saine sense Mr. G. understood the term whig; and let us redeemable in specie, and the taxes being paid in a deall stand together as whigs, and let our particular or pe- preciated and unequal currency: if any gentleman would culiar political tenets be judged of by our country. look at all these circumstances, and the reasons given for

Mr. CLAY then rose, and said that he felt it necessary the establishment of the bank, and say that there was no to say a worl or two, although he should be sorry to dis- sufficient cause for a change of opinion, then he would turb the gentleman from Tennessee. I, said Mr. C., consent to be put alongside of Governor Wolf, or his have enjoyed lis jokes this morning, but if he and the friend from Tennessee himself. gentleman from Maryland kave done, I wish to settle a As to the vote which I gave in favor of the bank, (said little balance between him and me. The gentleman has Mr. C.,) I am ready to abide by the reasons which influcomplained that my friend from Maryland should have enced my course—as published in the volume of docuthought of replying to him. I am glad that my friend did ments in relation to the bank, under the authority of Consupply some of the many deficiences in my reply. But

gress. after complaining of this as an act of injustice, the gentle- Mr. GRUNDY replied that he had no doubt of the sinman has himself been guilty of a similar injustice, in re- cere honesty which produced the change in the gentle. ferring to a vole which i gave three-and-twenty years ago, man from Kentucky in reference to the bank, and he and to another which I gave eighteen years ago, the first need not look to posterity to do him justice. Some of his against, and the other in favor of the bank. The gentle- political adversaries already did him justice--more than anan says he is glad to see that I could change my opin- others would do General Jackson, if he were brought ions; and expresses his conviction that public men may before us for an infraction of the constitution and laws. change their views every six days, every six hours, and Governor Wolf was convinced of the propriety of his that no exception should be taken to the change. My course. He had no acquaintance with Governor Wolf. notion is somewhat different on this subject. I think that he had heard the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. a public man ought not to change his opinions on grave McKean) say he had acted with him in Congress for six subjects connected with the general interests, without years: he was the Secretary of the commonwealth, while such reasons as will satisfy the public at large of the pro- Governor Wolf was the Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania; priety of bis course. It he does, it affords a reason for and that he was a man of great firmness and decision. It ascribing to lim improper motives for the act.

did not always depend on time whether a man should But the gentleman from Tennesssee is very adroit; and change his opinions or not, but upon surrounding circumwhen he takes upon himself to say any thing about the stances. A state of things might exist which would teach coverlet, lie seems always to recollect that he may yet his judgment the necessity of changing. But it was said! wish to come under it laimself. The gentleman was once that he®(Mr. G.) had delivered a speech in favor of nula nullifier; and made his first nullifying speech when Mr. lification. He did not know how that was, but if he did, Foot's resolutions were under consideration, and now he he had been severely punished for it; and if he had now turns upon his former friends. The gentleman also, if I abandoned it, be stuck closely to State rights. He had am not greatly mistaken, voted once in favor of a bank been pressed so hard upon nullification, that he found it -[Mr. Grunpr: Nu.}-at least, he held opinions favora. 'dangerous ground to stand on, and he had just moved a ble to it, and was understood to be friendly to it. In ref- little off to the State rights ground. But he repented sinerence to my conduct, I do not choose the benefit of the cerely; and the citizens of Tennessee generously and maggentleman's notes. No public man is entitled to change 'nanimously forgave him for the temporary dereliction,


Baltimore Proceedings.

(Mar 1, 1834.

if indeed he was guilty of any. And now, he was not “Mr. Grundy then said, that he certainly should ner. willing to call thc nullifiers traitors, because they loved er have brought forward this proposition, without havtheir country. But with respect to this whig bank of ing reflected much on it. He knew that it had been agi1816-it was the first time in all his life that be had heard tated in this House, and in the nation, lieretofore, and a bank called a “whig.” Now, what were the principles had been much opposed by many of those politicians with of the whigs of the time of Charles JI, when it was whom he usually acted in this House; but he did not be. said the party originated? Why, they were against royal lieve that each Congress was so bound by the decisions prerogative, and against corporate rights of every kind. of that which preceded it, that it was a good argument And if we were in favor of prerogative, we were not in against a measure for members of a former Congress to favor of great moneyed monopolies. If we have preroga- come in and say, "we have decided it heretofore.” As a tive on one side, they have monopolies on the other. representative, Mr. G. said, he claimed the right to give

Mr. CLAY. One correction. I thought I was not mis- at least one vote on this subject, as well as the gentletaken as to the gentleman having given some indication man from Virginia. The spirit of our constitution had of his opinion. In April, 1814, as I see by the Journal, wisely ordained the frequency of elections for the very Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, offered a resolution. Was purpose of undoing what had been wrongly done by their there any other gentleman by the name in Congress at predecessors, and of doing that which had been left that time?

undone. If the gentleman from Virginia would reflect Mr. GRUNDY. I am the man.

on this subject as much as others, who bad been instruMr. CLAY The resolution was as follows:

mental in bringing forward the proposition, he was sure Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into he would not be so confident that he acted correctly in the expediency of establishing a national bank; and that refusing a deliberate consideration of it. I (said Mr. they have leave to report by bill or otherwise."

G.) have no secret on this subject: I wish to see a bank A word as to the wbig bank. The Bank of England established as a national object, let who will be in power: was established during the whig reign of William, to check as a general measure I wish to see it adopted. Look at the rapid encroachments of the aristocracy; and its charter the situation of our country—and I say the gentleman had been continued under the whig administration of should forget his home, and not leave his country in peril. William IV.

You bave authorized a loan for twenty-five millions, and Mr. GRUNDY. You know what I told you. I am have provided for the expenditure of so much money. not precisely accurate in my recollection of old things. I Where is the money? Some well-infurmed men say there forget the reign in which the Bank of England was estab- will be no difficulty in obtaining it; others, as well inlished. But I have not forgotten that in 1813 we had formed, say, that the attempt to obtain it may not be troubles on every hand-our armies were in the field, successful. I hope that gentlemen of the former descrip. and we were destitute of means. The older States could tion are correct. I know not wbat the prospect is; birt not raise men, and statesmen much older and more able one thing I do know—I would run no hazard on this point; than myself offered nothing in the way of relief. I was and for one, though I have as much anxiety to be at young, and sanguine in the belief that a bank might be home as any one, I am willing to sit a few days longer, to established which would relieve the country. I introdu- see how it will be. The gentleman from Virginia no ced the resolution for an inquiry, and it was gone into. doubt felt the same anxiety for the public service; and The gentleman from South Carolina was one of the com- Mr. G. said, if his constitutional scruples were so great mittee of which I was the chairman. We found then that he could not vote for this measure, in case the money the very same difficulties that now exist. Some were of should not be convenien:ly obtained, it might be necesopinion that the constitution had given us no power to sary to resort to some other. For general consideration, create a bank. The gentleman from South Carolina, 1 Mr. G. said, he had always been in favor of a measure of believe, thought that we could do it. I have no particu- this sort; and he entertained no constitutional scruples lar recollection about that. I thought we might locate a about it. In point of time, he thonght the present situabank in the District of Columbia. Consulting with tion of the country afforded a cogent argument in favor moneyed men, they held we could create one. On ac-lof the measure.” count of the diversity of opinion which prevailed, that Mr. GRUNDY. It is all true, just as it is reported. book will show that, on my motion, the committee Was And does it prove that I was in favor of any balik, exdischarged, and no bill was presented. I could say, though cept a bank in the District of Columbia. But I will lay I do not choose to be catechised, what were my opinions all this aside, and claim the benefit of the general act of about a bank. When called on at a proper time, you oblivion. I had the same reason for change as the gentleshall know them. If my opinions have been at one time man from Kentucky. The gentleman bad formerly said, for, and at another time against the bank, I have a noble that in New York, three years was a sufficient period for precedent before me in the gentleman from Kentucky: the limitation of opinions. If I had been pressed as hard and if he was at one time for, and at another time against as the gentleman from Kentucky, I could take the benefit it, why not I? It is no farther from you to me, than it is of this act. from me to you. But my opinions were not then matured. Mr. BROWN said, that a few days since, in some remarks The gentleman will see by the book in bis hand, that I was which he had made, he bad taken occasion to say, that he pressed to give my opinions as to what kind of bank I believed the Bank of England was established during a wished. I replied, Let us see all that can be done, and tory administration. He was now convinced that that was take all the opinions we can get, and then decide. There a tory measure, for history informed us that King Wil. are no opinions of mine on record; I gave none, except liam, previous to the establishment of the bank, had to the committee, and in favor of the location in the Dis- thrown himself into the arms of the tories, and a tory trict of Columbia; and as to that I have not a precise re- Parliament had been elected. He (Mr. B.) bad inferred, collection. I expect to have this bank question up at and did still infer, that it was a tory concern. In making home. I shall keep myself uncommitted for that time, as these remarks, it was not with a view of passing any imfar as I can. I hope gentlemen will now let me alone, putation on any party. He believed that the gentieman and not force me to get up again.

from Tennessee was a good bona fide wbig. There Mr. CLAY said, that the gentleman needed not to get were good whigs on both sides—bank and anti-bank up again, unless for the purpose of answering bimself. whigs. He had no objection to the gentleman from He would now read the following extracts from a speech Maryland assuming the name of "whig,' for it was like delivered by the gentleman on the subject of this bank: (charity-it covered a multitude of political sins.

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Mar 1, 1834. )

Ballimore Proceedings. -Vermont Memorials.


Mr. McKEAN thought these untimely desultory discus

VERMONT MEMORIALS. sions had at least produced one beneficial result. It had,

Mr. PRENTISS presented a memorial from a large on this occasion, taught us, when we were laying snares number of the inhabitants of the county of Windsor, in for our neighbors, how liable we were to get caught our Vermont. selves. The two honorable Senators from Kentucky and Mr. Prentiss said he had occasion, a few weeks since, Tennessee (Messrs. Clay and Grundy) had succeeded to present to the Senate the resolutions of a convention admirably in fixing on each other the charge of incon- of delegates from the several towns in the county of sistency, if an honest change of opinion could thus be Windsor, in Vermont, disapproving of the removal of the characterized. This had grown out of the introduction public deposites from the Bank of the United States, and of the name of Governor Wolf into the debates upon the complaining of the injurious effects of that measure upon presentation of memorials. The honorable Senator from the currency of the country, and upon the employments Kentucky seemed to think, if a certain degree of incon. and industry of the community. ile had now a memosistency could be fixed on him, he might then consent torial on the same interesting subject, signed by fifteen be associated with Governor Wolf. After what has been hundred and fifty-one intelligent and respectable citizens exhibited, whether the gentleman would think that of the same county, consisting of farmers, mechanics, further proof of bis qualifications were necessary, he manufacturers, merchants, and professional men. As the would leave for him to decide, and much as the Governor memorial gave a very full and just representation of the and his friends might desire the association, it would not depressed state of business, and the embarrassed condibecome them to solicit the connexion. But it seemed now tion of the people in Vermont, and exposed, in very de. that the degree of consistency was to be estimated by the cided and apt terms, the impolicy, injustice, and illegallength of time it took to change an opinion. The gen-ity of the late proceeding of the Executive in relation to tlemen had both changed on the subject of the bank, the revenue and currency of the country, as well as the but they had taken more time to do so than Governor disastrous consequences wbich bad followed that extraWolf had, as had been alleged. But he denied that there ordinary and unwarrantable proceeding, it would be al. was any positive proof that Governor Wolf had changed. together superfluous, said Mr. P., for him to detain the He, however, did not pretend to doubt that Governor Senate with further remarks; and he would, therefore, Wolf's opinions of the present bank had undergone some content himself with merely asking that the memorial be change. “But he (Mr. McK.) had stated on a former read, referred to the Committee on Finance, and printed occasion, as a matter of his own knowledge, and would with the names and occupations of the signers. now repeat, that Governor Wolf's opinions as to the uti)

It was read, referred, and ordered to be printed. ity and necessity of a national bank had not changed.

Mr. SWIFT presented resolutions from Addison county, His principal object however in rising, Mr. Mck. said, Vermont, against the removal of the deposites. was to take notice of an assertion made the other day by

On presenting these resolutions, Mr. Swift said: I am the Senator from Kentucky, and which he had in sub- charged with sundry resolutions, accompanied by a me. stance repeated to-day, viz. that he (Mr. CLAY] could morial, from citizens of Addison county, Vermont, on the prove in a court of justice, that Governor Wolf, three subject of the removal of the public deposites from the days prior to the 26th of February last, promised to send Bank of the United States, the consequent derangement a message to the Legislature of a directly opposite char- of the currency of the country, and the distress and emacter to that which lie communicated on that day. He barrassment produced among that portion of the commudid not doubt that the Senator had been so informed; nity, and am requested to present the same to the Senate. therefore, what he intended to say could not be consid- I ain informed by the gentleman who committed to my ered as alluding personally to the honorable gentleman, charge the resolutions and memorial, that there is append. and as it was not probable the gentleman would bave an ed to the memorial the names of 1,926 freemen, amountopportunity of adducing his proof in a court of justice, he ing, as I believe, to a majority of all the votes given at would put the question directly at issue, and would now any one election in that county. The county of Addison assert, that he questioned the veracity of any man who is, for the extent of its territory, one of the most popuwould make such a declaration; and from this point he lous and wealthy counties of the State. It contains a would not be driven by any thing but the testimony itself. rich and fertile soil, and abundantly pays the farmer for

Mr. CLAY said, that he had not brought in Governor his labor in the ordinary products of ihat climate. Owing Wolf into this day's discussion. He had not stated of bis to the encouragement given to the various branches of own knowledge the circumstances to which the gentle-industry by the Congress of the United States, and particman referred, but he had received them from an unques, ularly to the growing of wool, much attention bas been tionable authority, in which he placed entire reliance, and paid to the produce of that article, and it has become the one which he thought, if the gentleman knew it, he staple of that county, and a source of wealth to the would himself be indisposed to doubt.

farmers. This county possesses manufacturing advantages Mr. McKEAN repeated that he did not understand over almost every other section of country. One of the the gentleman from Kentucky as speaking from his own largest rivers of the State runs through the centre of the knowledge, and that he must still question the veracity of county, and its numerous falls afford privileges for manu: any one who made the statement, and challenge the proof. facturing establishments, to every extent desired; and The proceedings were then read.

manufacturing business of various kinds, and to a great Mr. FORSYTÉ expressed a wish for time to look over extent, has been carried on, by which numerous pour the papers before they were printed, and hoped they people have heretofore found profitable and constant em. might be laid on the table for that purpose.

ployment. This county also enjoys great advantages from · Mr. POINDEXTER said, be intended to submit a mo-lihe facilities afforded it in the transportation of its prodtion to lay the proceedings on the table, not on account lucts to market. It borders on Lake Champlain, which of any want of respect to the source from which they is connected with the navigable waters of the Hudson came, or of any disapproval of their tenor and purport, river by a canal. The character of its inhabitants for but because it would have a singular appearance to spread industry, morality, and intelligence, would not suffer by a these proceedings, containing references to the protest, comparison with the population of any other section of on the Journal, while a question was pending whether country. These are the people, lately enjoying the adthe protest should be put on the Journal or not. He

vantages which I have stated, who now approach Congress moved to lay the proceedings on the table, and the mos with their complaint. They complain that a state of untion was agreed to.

precedented plenty and prosperity has been followed by

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