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President's Protest.

(Arul 30, 1834.

Its appa

of losing? Can he be compelled to reimburse the Treas. Congress, in the opinion of the President, cannot take ury for the large sums of which it has been deprived by from him the custody of the public property, and the pubthe defalcation of numerous officers, appointed by himsell, lic purse, "without an assumption of Executive power, during the present administration?

and a subversion of the first principles of the constitution." We have seen that the President is not punishable by This is the language of the original protest, and I concur impeachment, or otherwise, for the delinquency of execu- with my friend from Maine (Mr. SPRAGUE) that the sup. tive officers. We have seen that he is under no pecu. plement makes no essential change. That, he clearly niary responsibility. Is his reputation even affected by proved, this morning, to the Senate. The language is the official misconduct of subordinate officers? How somewhat mystified by the supplement, but the President often, of late, have they proved themselves unworthy; has not let go one particle of the power claimed and asand yet, who has thought of imputing their faults, their serted in the principal document. He admits, indeed, in want of integrity, or ability, to the President? If, indeed, the supplement, without reserve, the constitutional a Chief Magistrate should habitually and notoriously ap: power of the Legislature to provide by law the place or point incompetent and unworthy men to office, he would places in which the public money or other property is to incur the censure of public opinion; but he would remain be deposited; and to make such regulations concerning exempted from all practical or available responsibility. its custody, removal, or disposition, as they may think Even in the military and naval service, the President is proper to enact.” But he had asserted in the protest, not liable for the misconduct of the officers; but they are that'" no officer can be created by Congress for the pur. themselves amenable to their known and established tri- pose of taking charge of it, whose appointment would not, bunals.

by the constitution, at once devolve on the President, and And how does the President make it out? He implies who would not be responsible to him for the faithful per. the power of removal in himself, to the exclusion of the formance of his duties;" and that Congress “cannot take Senate, from the power of appointment to office, although out of the hands of the Executive department the custody the Senate jointly exercises that power with him. Hav- of the public property, or money, without an assumption ing thus drawn to himself the sole power of removal, he of Executive power, and a subversion of the first princinext proceeds to imply the power of control over the offi- ples of the constitution.” These assertions remain oprecer; and then, by a third implication, he assumes the tracted, uncontradicted, in the supplement. The protest power of directing the performance of the duties of the claims for the President the right to appoint any officer officer, in cases even where the law specially assigns the that Congress may designate to take charge of the Treas. duty to the officer himself. Such are the links in this sin- ury, and the right to control him; and this claim is not gular chain of implications which the President has con- abandoned or withdrawn by the supplement. structed. He assumes voluntarily the responsibility for rent concessions amount to nothing, unless the President others, that he may seize and appropriate to himself their would withdraw the qualification which he has imposed. power. And his sole object seems to be to acquire pow. Having claimed a constitutional and uncontrollable right er; to concentrate in himself all power; and to substitute to the custody, as an inherent Executive prerogative, of his will for the judgment of all the executive officers of both the public money and public property, the President the Government. The augmentation of the mass of his ought not to have yielded to Congress the power to legis power is the only aim of the President-power, not only late as to the places in which they shall be kept. For lie without practical responsibility, but in the entire destruc- who has the lawful custody of a thing, and is responsible tion of all responsibility. If he were indeed punishable, for its safety, ought to be left free to select his own place liable, answerable for the conduct of all the executive offi- and mode of keeping it. cers, the public might find, in that fact, some compensa- The President is particularly solicitous not to claim for tion for this vast accumulation of power in the possession himself or his successors “any power or authority not of one man. But his responsibility is an irresponsible re- clearly granted by the constitution and laws.' And does sponsibility. The President is only responsible for the he—can he, really think that the powers recently claimed performance of the duties confided to himself by the con- by him are clearly granted by the constitution and laws? stitution and laws. He can be impeached only for his own a clear grant of power must be an express grant. What misfeasance or non-feasance. He is not liable for others. clause in the constitution gives him the power of removal? And what, according to the doctrines of the President, is if he has that power, what express grant in the constituthe condition of the responsibility of the officers them- tion conveys to him the right to direct and control an offiselves? If they are bound to conform to the will of the cer in a case where the law expressly assigns to him a President, and to obey his commands, they cannot be re particular duty? Above all, what part of the constitution garded as moral, independent, and responsible beings. clearly grants to him the possession of the public property They could not be impeached for any official act execu. and the public purse of the nation? ted in compliance with the orders of the President. Those So far from there being any such express grant of power orders would be a plea of full justification. The effect, to the President over the public purse, it is a power which therefore, of these new principles of the President is ut. is clearly granted to Congress, to the exclusion of the Exterly to destroy all responsibility in himself, or in the other ecutive. To Congress is expressly granted the power executive officers of the Government, who act in obe. " to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to dience to his mandates. The President speaks of a pay tire debts and provide for ihe common defence and responsibility to himself. He says that “the whole Execu- general welfare of the United States.” And, when the tive power being vested in the President, who is respon- money is once collected, none can “be drawn from the sible for its exercise, it is a necessary consequence ibat Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by he should have a right to employ agents of his own choice law.” Tbus Congress is invested with power to impose to aid him in the performance of bis duties, and to dis- the tax, to collect it, to pay the debts, and to appropriate charge them when he is no longer willing to be responsi- the public money. And,' in the performance of these ble for their acts.". Thus, every thing concentrates in several operations, Congress is empowered “ to make all the President. He is the sole Executive; all other offi- laws which shall be necessary and proper," It may, cers are his agents, and their duties are his duties. This therefore, pass laws to impose the tax, to collect it, to pay is altogether a military idea, wholly incompatible with the debts, and to appropriate the money when in the free government. I deny it absolutely. There exists no Treasury, and for each of these objects distinctly and such responsibility to the President. All are responsible separately. The general rule I take to be this, that, when to the law, and to the law only, or not responsible at all. (the constitution invests one department of Government

APRIL 30, 1834.)

President's Protest.


with power to accomplish a given object, those who are Congress might itself, if it were not inconvenient, not charged with any duties under that power, in executing only impose taxes, but collect them, appropriate their them, represent, act as the delegates of that departmeni, amount, and pay the public debts. How can it approaccording to its directions, and in subordination to it. priate the public money, if it be under the control of Thus, the President is commander-in-chief of the army another? Appropriation and payment imply possession of and navy of the United States; and officers under him act the thing which is to be appropriated and paid. ongress in obedience to his commands, represent bim, and act in might, by law, constitute either or both of the Presiding subordination to him. Again, the President and Senate Officers of the two Houses, or their Clerk and Secretary, are invested with the treaty-making powers. The diplo- or a standing joint committee, Treasurers-require them matic agents of the United States, therefore, represent to keep the public money, and, from time to time, to pay them; and, according to the theory of the constitution, it out or disburse it, in pursuance of appropriations by should obey their instructions; but, according to the prac- law. And the same officer of Government may fill the tice, they act under the instructions of the President, and double character of representative of the Legislative and may be therefore said to represent him and to be his the Executive departments—representing each in the exagents. So as to the money concerns of the Government: ecution of powers which are confided by the constitution they are confided to Congress; but as Congress, being a to them respectively, collective body, cannot itself perform each individual act, There is a large class of laws, in our statute-book, re. it delegates its power to those who are charged with the quiring the heads of departments, and others, to execute custody of the public treasure, and its payment under particular duties, under the direction of the President, or laws of appropriation; and they, in those instances, rep- with the approbation of the President. The sense of the resent Congress, and act as their agents. Nor is the Government has been thus repeatedly manifested, that, case altered at all by the fact of the mode of the appoint- without such express requirement, those officers would ment of those representatives and agents. From fitness act, not under the direction of the President, but upon and convenience, the appointment has been confided to their own responsibility. But, if the recent pretensions the President and Senate. But it would be a strange per- of the Chief Magistrate be well founded, in all cases version of the constitution to say, that the power of ap- whatever, where, by the practice of the Government, pointment, or the implied and highly questionable power officers are removable by him, they are subject to his of removal, should be made to draw from Congress the commands, whether they are or are not placed under clear powers with which it is expressly clothed over the them by the positive provisions of the law—and that public Treasury.

large class of laws, to which I have referred, contains idle Congress has, accordingly, passed laws both to pay the and useless provisions. public debts and directing how the public money shall be Mr. President, near forty years ago, Mr. Jefferson was drawn from and appropriated out of the public Treasury. alarmed at the progress of executive encroachment under As to the latter purpose, the Secretary is to draw and the administration of the Father of his country. In a sign the warrant, the Comptroller to countersign it, the letter addressed to Colonel Burr on the 17th day of June, Register to record it, and the Treasurer to pay it. The 1797, he says: “I had always hoped, that the popularity law supposes each of these officers to act separately and of the late President being once withdrawn from active independently of the other, and upon his own distinct re-effect, the natural feelings of the people towards liberty sponsibility. In the progress of the discussion on the res would restore the equilibrium between the Executive and olutions, we contended that all these important checks Legislative departments, which had been destroyed by were destroyed by the recent doctrines of the Executive, the superior weight and effect of that popularity. and the wills of these four several officers were melted If that adıninistration, characterized as it was by fordown into the single will of the President. Senators, on bearance, moderation, and wisdom, was justly chargeable the other side, said there was no change in the Treasury; with encroachment, what would be the surprise of Mr. that there was only a change in the place of deposite; but Jefferson, if, rising from the dead, he were to behold the that all the forms of accounts, and all the previous guaran- enormous and startling pretensions of the present Chief tees, were left untouched. But what says the President Magistrate? It is in vain to disguise it; the rapid strides in his protest? After having endeavored to establish that of the Executive, if not checked, will soon inevitably the Treasury Department, by the Congress of 1789, was conduct us to a practical monarchy, in which, mocked decided to be an Executive department, subject to his ab- with the forms of free government, we shall, in fact, have solute control, he says: “From that time down to the but one will, and that a unit. present, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Treasurer, Re- The President is eulogized by his supporters for his gister, Comptrollers, Auditors, and clerks, who fill the firmness, unbending resolution, and personal courage. offices of that department, have, in the practice of the The latter is an ordinary quality, the possession of which Government, been treated as on the same footing with implies no peculiar meril, although the want of it is discorresponding grades of officers in all the other Executive creditable. But if a purpose is seriously entertained of departments.” In other words, all these Treasury offi- converting this free republic into a monarchy, and to inces are under the immediate command of the President; troduce despotic power, the President will find that there bound to conform to his will, and to execute the constitu- is an indomitable spirit in the people of this country tion and laws as he understands them, although his sense equal to his own; and that, all peaceful remedies failing, of their meaning is in direct opposition to that of those a resort will be unhesitatingly had to that musket and sworn officers. If this be true, does not the President bayonet which I will not be among the last to use and possess as absolute control over the public Treasury as if direct. it were confided to his exclusive possession, without the And why, sir, has this great nation been agitated and machinery of various checks, which the law. supposed convulsed to its centre, bankruptcy and ruin spread were substantial and efficient, but which the President throughout the land, and a frightful and unmitigated furenders a mere mockery?

ture opened to a distressed people? Congress, at its last The President does not appear to comprehend the session, having reconciled and tranquillized the country, maxim, Qui facit per alium facit per se. When an officer, by a parental compromise, previous to its adjournment, no matter what may be the mode of his appointment, or placed a seal upon the public treasury. The ensuing the tenure of his office, is designated by law to perform spring opened with the fairest hopes, and never did all duties growing out of powers vested in Congress, that the great interests of any country exhibit more unmixed officer represents Congress, and is the agent of Congress. I prosperity than those of the people of the United States,

President's Protest.

[APRIL 30, 1834. up to the adoption of that fatal measure which has scat- servations to make in reply to the Senator from Tennestered disaster and distress throughout all the conditions of see, [Mr. GrundY.] He supposes the whole struggle now an unoffending society. And why, why was it adopted? existing in this country, is a mere contest for power. The opposition is charged with producing or augmenting Why this perpetual recurrence, by the party in office, to the existing discontents. Has not the opposition sustained the imagined motives which actuate their opponents? Do this administration whenever it conscientiously could? the friends of the administration believe that there is nothWhether wisely or not, was not necessary now to be de-ing worth contending for but spoils, and the public crib termined; but did not the opposition come to the aid of and public place? Without meaning to be disrespectful this administration, in its greatest need, during the last to them, they appear to me to resemble a thief in his session, on the force bill, when many, who had previously fight with unlawful plunder, who is constantly apprebeen its supporters, deserted it! Did the opposition ad- hending that he will be overtaken by the constable and vise or provoke the removal of the deposites?' Must they posse comitatus engaged in hot pursuit. Cannot gentle. submit to an act not only without resistance, but with ac- men conceive the possibility of the existence of higher, quiescence and approbation, which they solemnly believe and better, and nobler motives of public action? Can in its tendency, and in the principles by which it is sup- they not comprehend the influence of the love of liberty? ported, threatens to overthrow the constitution, and to the desire of preserving our admirable constitution in subvert the liberties of the people?

short, the sentiment of pure and disinterested patriotism? Why did the President' resolve on that unfortunate They have the possession, the quiet possession if they step? Can he rot live in quiet and repose, without per- please, of the honors and emoluments of office, for near petual excitement? Must he ever have some object of three years to come. Bright as the existing prospects eager and ardent pursuit? All his recent plunges seem are of their expulsion, how few of us may survive to witto have been made, I will not say for the wanton, but un-ness that happy event! For one, I can assure the Senator necessary purpose of trampling under his feet the Bank from Tennessee, that I am no candidate; that I do not of the United States, which had offended him and desire to be a candidate; and that, if it depend upon me awakened bis vengeance. Will the President never cease alone, I never shall be a candidate for any public office to regard himself as a great political hunter, who, before whatever. he secures the tail or skin of one prize, which he has won The Senator amuses himself with the divisions which in the chase, must dash, with horse and hound, into the he describes to exist in the ranks of the opposition, and depth of the forest to start fresh game?

anticipates the want of co-operation which they may ocWho, Mr. President, advised and urged that most ex. casion. There is one philosophic conclusion which he traordinary measure? We are told that two-thirds of the might bave drawn from ibat fact, favorable to the honesty President's cabinet were opposed to it. You are charged of the opposition; and that is, that nothing but a deep with having counselled it; but I will not believe it. 1 and solemn sense of the dangers which are impending cannot allow myself to think that one of your experience over the country could have united, in one common and enlightened understanding could have recommended cause, persons who enteriain such a diversity of views as a proceeding so repugnant to the constitution and laws, to the proper administration of public affairs. The Senand so detrimental to all the interests of the country. No, ator assigns to the opposition the federal party. Of all sir; it was the work of a deep, and dark, and irresponsi- the political parties that have existed in this country, I ble cabal, composed of individuals lean, lank, lantern- have before said, what I believe, that, in the main, they jawed, hollow-hearted, and with empty purses, who, to have been honest and patriotic. That may be as truly ihe exclusion of his best and wisest friends, have sur- affirmed of the federal party as of any other. The rounded and taken possession of the person of the Presi- causes which have produced the ancient divisions of the dent for their own sinister purposes, and to the hazard of people into federal and republican parties, have princihis character and fame. And under what promises was pally, if not wholly, long since ceased to operate; and it the decision made to remove the public deposites? The is ungenerous and unjust to endeavor to preserve or affix public was assured that there would be no interruption in the denomination for party purposes. The federal party the operations of the general business of the country- was, indeed, supposed to lean more than their opponents that the whole affair was merely taking down one sign, | did, to a strong and energetic Executive; and, in that and suspending another; and it was distinctly promised respect, the administration party of the present day may that the people should be supplied with a better general be pronounced to be more federal than their opponents. currency than the best which any country ever before the original causes having ceased, the federal party has possessed. We have the fulfilment of this promise in an divided itself between the two parties of the present day. official letter recently addressed by the Secretary of the The better portion of it united with us, and the worse Treasury to the chairman of the Committee of Ways and with the Senator and his friends. Means of the House of Representatives. In that letter, That eminent individual who gave rise to the Senator's it is proposed to select a number of local banks as the addition of a new crime to the penal code, under the depositories of the public money, the selection of which, name of moral treason, (and a very honest man he was, ) the committee recommend, shall be made by the Secretary lived and died of the Senator's party. And how many himself. They are to give no bonus to the public, to pay members of the present cabinet belonged to the federal no interest for the deposites, and to use them for the party? A plea of infancy has been, by some one, put in benefit of themselves, in the several places of their col- for the Secretary of the Treasury, who, it is alleged, was lection, without that participation in their advantage, on too young to have taken sides during the prevalence of the part of the West and interior, which they enjoyed the republican and federal parties in former years. ! under the administration of the Bank of the United have made no comparison of ages with him, but I feel States. They are not even bound to receive and credit quite sure that there is no material difference between us each other's notes. Instead of the better currency prom- in our ages. I recollect distinctly, that upwards of twenised, the Secretary cuts the Gordian knot, by declaring ty-seven years ago, when on my way to or from the first that this vast, wide-spread country needs no general cur- session of Congress which I ever attended, I saw bim at rency. He thinks, indeed, it probable that the local Hagerstown, engaged actively and successfully in the bank's may supply drafts and bills for the purpose of re- practice of the law; and all acquainted with Maryland mittance.' Amore bungling, inefficient, unstatesmanlike politics know that, about the period of the late war, he scheme was never brought forward by any financier. was among the most prominent and influential leaders in

And now, sir, before I conclude, I have a few more ob- the federal ranks, I will add, that, of all the politicians

May 1, 1834. ]
President's Protest. —Pennsylvania Memorials.

(SENATE. in this or any other country, some of the federalists who county, and were signed without solicitation. This meunited with and adhere to the Jackson party, are the most morial also states succinctly and forcibly the views of the detestable. They appear to have cut themselves loose signers. from every tie, and obligation, and principle, which should Mr. McK. said he had yet another memorial of the bind men to their country and society.

same kind to present, from sixteen hundred citizens of The Senator from Tennessee adverted to the chequer. Bradford county; and this, he said, came quite home. ed condition of the opposition, without seeming to be Bradford was the county in which he resided, and a strong conscious that his own party did not present one uniform Jackson county. If, said Mr. McK., it has been my misground. It is made up of federalists and republicans, fortune to differ from a portion of my constituents on friends and opponents of internal improvements, support. some points, it was nevertheless my desire to represent ers and opposers of the tariff, bank and anti-bank men, them candidly and fairly. This, too, was said to be withnullifiers and union men, all sorts, and sizes, and colors, out distinction of party, and, in a great measure, he blue, black, and gray. He particularly objects to the knew this to be true; and, in further confirmation, he exclusive appropriation of the appellation whig by the had received a letter, accompanying the memorial, from opposition, or, rather to the correlative appellation being James P. Bull and Thomas Elliott, one an active supportattached to his party. I have no doubt, sir, that there er and the other a leading opponent of the administraare many true and genuine whigs in the administration tion. They say, in transmitting the memorial, they departy, but they are leaving it by hundreds and thousands; sire it to be distinctly understood, that they are actuated and, before the appearance of white frost in the next au- by no party or political motives, and they sincerely regret tumn, they will all have abandoned a position so irrecon- and deplore the manner in which this question has, by cilable with their patriotic principles. The Senator artful means and designing men, been mingled with the thinks that there is no coverlet large enough to 'protect party conflicts of the day. They deem it a subject too all the various elements of the opposition. He is mis- deeply affecting the interests of every class of the comtaken; there is one of sufficiently capacious dimensions, munity, to be prostituted to the base purposes of personal recently wove at a Jackson loo:n, called a protest; on aggrandizement, and express a hope that every patriot which is marked a violation of the constitution, and an will discountenance the connexion of this question with assumption of enormous executive power; and the honor the politics of the country. able Senator had better hasten to place himself under the Mr. McK. said he had another paper to present, of an banners of those who are contenuing against power and opposite character to those he had just presented, and prerogative, for free institutions and civil liberty. And from a source equally respectable; for, said Mr. McK., he had better lose no time; for the protest is the last my constituents are all respectable. He said it was the stroke upon the last nail driven into ihe coffin-not of proceedings of a public meeting of citizens of NorthJackson, may he live a thousand years!—but of Jack-ampton county, recently held at Easton, Pennsylvania. sonism.

They approve of the removal of the deposites, and are When Mr. CLAY had concluded

opposed to the re-charter of the United States Bank, and Mr. WRIGHT obtained the floor, and, upon his mo- sustain, generally, the action of the President in refertion,

ence to both. The Senate adjourned.

Mr. WEBSTER said he did not hear the name of the

county from whence the first memorial came. THURSDAY, MAY 1.

Mr. McKEAN replied, Northumberland.

Mr. WEBSTER said, if he remembered the situation PENNSYLVANIA MEMORIALS.

of Northumberland county on the map, it was in the cenMr. McKEAN rose to present memorials from North- tral part of the State of Pennsylvania. The two other umberland, Susquehanna, and Bradford counties, in the counties were situated on the New York line. It became State of Pennsylvania, opposed to the removal of the highly important to know in regard to these memorials, deposites. He said he had been requested to present whether they did speak the voice of the people, or the memorial of about two hundred and sixty inhabitants whether they were the mere expressions of party feeling, of the borough of Milton, in Northumberland, one of the whatever form it might assume. The honorable col. middle counties of Pennsylvania. They speak in the league of the Senator from Pennsylvania who presented usual language of their embarrassments and pecuniary these memorials, in some remarks made a few days ago, distress. They are opposed to the removal of the depos- stated that we had heard nothing of consequence from ites, and in favor of re-chartering the United States Bank. Pennsylvania, against the measures of the Executive, but They say that a large majority of them were the original from the city of Philadelphia; that the great mass of its friends of General Jackson, and supported him in 1832. population was in favor of the administration, and that Many of them, he (Mr. McK.) knew had been the active a revolution was going on in its favor. Now, it struck friends of the General. The memorial gave a full and him that it was founded in truth and justice, and could lucid account and exposé of the views and principles of not fail to have great influence on public measures, if it the petitioners.

be true that the people are in favor of the measures of Mr. McK. said he had another similar memorial, signed the Executive, in reference to the great questions treated by nearly thirteen hundred citizens of Susquehanna coun- of in the memorials. And if it be true that no voice tý, and this, he said, came nearer home. Susquehanna has been heard but that raised by a desperate party adjoined the county in which he resided; and, by a let- feeling, the full knowledge of that fact could not but ter received from a valued and constant personal and po- strengthen the Government, and encourage it to persist litical friend of his own, and a uniform supporter of Gen-in its measures. eral Jackson, he was requested to state that the signers Now, with great respect to the Senator from Pennsylwere without distinction of party, and that it contained vania, (Mr. McKean,] he should not like to make any the names of the sheriff, county commissioners, and a inquiry of him that would create any embarrassment, but majority of their influential men, and at least two-thirds as he said he had presented the names of those, some of of the whole number of votes usually given at the annual whom were friends of the administration, and most of plections in that county, and at least five hundred of the whom he knew, and as he resided in one of the counties, signers voted for General Jackson in 1832. He further he (Mr. W.) would like to know of him, if he would not states, that no extra pains were taken to procure signers. take it amiss, whether there was or was not a deep and The petitions were left at different public places in the growing disapprobation of the measures of the Executive


Pennsylvania Memorials.— Baltimore Proceedings.

(MAY 1, 1834.

in relation to the removal of the deposites from the Bank bank bill in terms of evident regret, declares that the of the United States?

bank has rendered service, and expresses the belief, that Mr. McKEAN replied that he had not the slighest ob- if another similar bill shall be passed, it will not experijection to answering the inquiry. He stated the fact ence the same fate from the President. And the numerthat, so far as he knew the county of Northumberland, it ous subscribers to this memorial testify that, in voting for contained a number of persons who were actively en- the re-election of the President, they did not intend to gaged in the support of the present Executive. They decide against the Bank of the United States. How, themselves stated thai they were the original friends of after this strong evidence, can the President assert, or his General Jackson, and voted for him in 1832. He also friends boldly repeat and reiterate, as they have done, in stated that, in his own county, their memorial was signed this Senate, ihat the people of the United States, by rewithout distinction of party. Although he did not know electing him, pronounced a decision against the Bank of the sentiments of every gentleman in his county, yet the United States. those gentleman who were responsible to him for the Mr. Clay moved the printing and reference of the memorial, authorized him to state that fact.

Bald Eagle memorial, which was ordered accordingly, His desire, Mr. Mck. said, was to reply to the question

BALTIMORE PROCEEDINGS. of the gentleman from Massachusetts distinctly. As far as he knew, the people of the counties with which he Mr. CHAMBERS rose and said, he was requested by was acquainted (although he unfortunately differed with the officers of a large public meeting just held by the them on some points) were much dissatisfied with the re- whigs of Baltimore, to present its proceedings to the moval of the public deposites. There was much discon- Senate. The meeting was held in consequence of the tent, and he believed that the people were against the invitation of the President in his appeal to the people-administration for its late measures, though they attribu- they had maturely considered it, and passed sentence ted them only to error of judgment. He did not mean to upon the various questions which were the

subject matter be understood, Mr. Mck. said, as conveying the idea that of it, and now, here it was in the shape of a special verthe people of Pennsylvania were opposed to the Execu- dict, in which the people of Baltimore bave set forth tive; he only meant that they were generally opposed to their opinions. The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. the removal of the deposites, which they attributed, as GuUNDY] might suppose that this allusion to whig prinbefore said, to error.

ciples, implied the opposite of it in his party, and that Mr. WEBSTER said he did not ask what were the this coverlet or blanket was not broad enough to insentiments of the people of Pennsylvania, whether they clude us all; but, at all events, they were so well satisfied were for or against the administration. But he simply with this covering, that they did not mean to be disasked whether they disapproved of the recent measures robed of it. Mr. c. then commented at large on the of the Executive, and he now understood that they gen- President's protest, condemning the doctrines contained erally did. He was obliged to the gentleman for his can- in it. He alluded to the Panama mission, and the opindid answers, and he thought that they would produce a ions communicated to the Senate by Mr. Adams, when good effect.

President, of his power to send a minister there in the The memorials were then referred, and ordered to be recess, and that gentlemen who now sustained the adminprinted.

istration, condemned those opinions. Mr. CLAY said, that he rose to present a memorial, Mr. C. concluded by moving that the proceedings be which would neutralize the resolutions last offered by the read, and take the usual reference. Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. McKean,) adopted at a Mr. GRUNDY said he had carefully abstained from saymeeting in Northampton county, in Pennsylvania. By-ing any thing in the discussions upon these memorials. the-by, those resolutions charge the existence of a coali. His constituents had sent none here, and he was inclined tion in this Senate. There can be no coalition more to leave them to the expression of their own sentiments chequered or mosaic, than that which is implied by the in their own time and way. He was now called up for denomination assumed by the meeting which passed those sentiments delivered on another occasion, and he regretresolutions. They call themselves Democratic Republi- ted to find his opinions questioned on the presentation of can, Jackson, Wolf meeting. He should be glad to know a bank memorial. Between himself and the gentleman what that meant?—what system of policy, or politics, it from Maryland, (Mr. CHAMBERS,) the same feeling exist, implied?

ed as among all other citizens. We were all patriots and The memorial with the presentation of which he was whigs, and all admitted it. But this new name the gencharged, was from Bald Eagle township, in Centre countleman was pressing as if it was of some service to him, ty, Pennsylvania. It comes from the head of that great and he has referred to the Panama mission, and says that State, and he wished its strong description of the distress-the opponents of Executive usurpation are whigs. But es and sufferings which prevail in that quarter, could was the gentleman from Maryland a whig then, was he of penetrate the hearts of the administration and its sup- the party then, for which he now clai!ns this name? He porters. It attributes the state of things existing there to would venture to say, that the gentleman then voted for the withdrawal of the public deposites, and it proposes this very power which was then claimed by the Executhe simple and obvious remedy of the Executive retra. tive, and about to be exercised. Well, if those who supcing its steps, and re-establishing the laws. The memorial port it now are not as good as their opponents, he could is couched in decorous and respectful language. It is ac- say that the gentleman had improved in his whiggism. companied by a letter, which states that three-fourths of And whether this was owing to a change in his condition, the subscribers to the memorial have been, until very was matter for his own consideration. But a word in rerecently, the most unyielding friends of the present ad- gard to the difference of position which they now occuministration; and he would further state, for the comfort pied. What had Mr. Adams done at that time? Nothing, of the supporters of the Executive, that the letter adds, but to give his opinion that he had a right to send such a that "the Presidential protest has reached us, and I feel mission, and thereupon he submitted the subject to Consafe in assuring you that its dangerous doctrines will ex- gress. The Senate then took it up, as it was their duty cite almost universal reprobation.”

to do, and pronounced their opinion. But was Mr. Adams Mr. President, the memorial presented from Pennsyl- charged with a violation of the constitution and laws of vania this morning by the Senator, (Mr. McKean,) sets the country? No, the Senate only differed with him in forth a part of the

message of Governor Wolf, in Decem- opinion in regard to the power which he intimated he ber, 1832. 'The Governor adverts to the veto of the possessed. Now, the President was directly charged

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