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APRIL 25, 1834.]

President's Protest.

[SENATE.

votes; whereupon, the poll-book was ordered to be but destroyed their independence and the principles of brought. All the votes given to Mr. Wilkes were, for free government, by subjecting them to his nomination. that cause, declared null and void. As Mr. Lutterell was He pretended solemnly to restore the senate and the the next highest on the poll, they ordered the return to people to their rights: he professed to lay down all his be amended, by striking out the name of Mr. Wilkes power and authority, to mingle with his fellow-citizens in and inserting the name of Mr. Lutterell; and so the min- the crowd, and "to share with them the blessings which isterial party took Mr. Lutterell to their bosom. Now, he had obtained for his country." Yet, by artifice, he all this was done, no doubt, by the ministry, "as neces- got it all confirmed to him by the people and the senate. sary to preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of He got into his own hands all the jurisdiction of the sevthe press, and the purity of the elective franchise!" But eral officers of State, and a despotic monarchy was estabthe people of England would not believe that Mr. Wilkes lished in him by law. He would consent to receive the was so pursued and punished by the court party, for the sovereign power for ten years only, but, at the expiration indecency of his publication, or his dissolute conduct; be- of that term, accepted it for ten more, and in this manner cause they beheld persons loaded with court favor, coun- retained it all his life. His successors had the empire settenance, and patronage, who were not only generally tled on them without limitation. Power assumed, does scandalous in their lives, but guilty of similar and more not willingly relax its grasp, and is transmitted to successcandalous libels and seditions than those for which Mr. sors by a surer title. Bonaparte expelled by force of Wilkes was punished. The point to be gained by the arms the Council of Five Hundred. He said, "France court party was, to establish a precedent tending to make wants me more than I want France." Many other examknown "that the favor of the people was not so sure a ples might be cited from history, in which the people, by road as the favor of a court, to honors and trusts." Thus fair pretences, have been cheated, flattered, and soothed we see, that, as the hatred of the court party pursued into a confidence and death-like slumber, fatal to their Mr. Wilkes, the countenance of the people protected and rights and liberties. supported him. A spirited resistance to the appearance In conclusion, Mr. President, it has appeared to me, of lawless power, and an independent contempt for the that the question of the removal and restoration of the abuses and intrigues of the court, carried the voters of deposites is not a question of the bank or no bank. I am Middlesex to a degree of enthusiasm in support of Mr. no advocate of the bank, nor of the banking system. But Wilkes, enlisted the talents of Junius and others, and the it involves a question of good faith, truth, and justice. sympathies of the people. So it happened in England. To excuse the transaction, the most alarming and arbitrary In the United States, it has happened that the President doctrines have been practised upon and openly avowed. has assumed upon himself the responsibility of removing The honest opinions of the people against the constituthe deposites of the public moneys from the places ap- tional power of Congress to establish the bank, and honpointed by law, and of taking the custody and manage-est antipathies against the policy of such an institution, ment of them under his own control, "as necessary to have been seized upon to blind them to the exercise of preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of the executive powers in like manner unconstitutional and press, and the purity of the elective franchise." We have much more dangerous.

seen some men, not remarkable for purity of morals, To flatter and deceive the people into the support of nor for abstaining from bringing "the patronage of the bad faith, and injustice, and falsehood in the Government, Federal Government into conflict with the freedom of is to their ruin. In the virtues of good faith, truth, and elections," nor for the decency of their publications and justice, the whole safety of the people consists. Without presses, loaded with the patronage, favor, and counte- these, the constitution would be but wax in the hands of nance of the President and his party. We have seen his the rulers; the representatives would be but tools for protest, and his philipic against the Senate, for opposi- knaves to work with; the ligament of the representative tion to his views of his constitutional powers and duties; to the constituent would be dissolved; the people would he has threatened us with the dangers of a new modelling be subjected to the will of one man, and the sovereign of this body; and he has appealed to the people of Amer-reason of the world and the imprescriptible rights of man ica. How the people of the States will decide upon be melted and moulded by the passions, caprices, and these matters, we are yet to learn. I cannot suspect that artifices of a few cunning, weak, and giddy favorites of a they will so act as to induce their representatives to be- court.

lieve that the favor of the people is not so sure a road If the abuses and assumptions of authority are not to to honors and trusts as the favor of a court." The elec-be subjects of free inquiry and resolves in both Houses tions to the Senate are established upon solid foundations; of Congress, because they may touch the Chief Magisupon the sovereign reason of the people, deliberating in their respective State Legislatures.

trate; if the power and the will of Congress to control the administration of the finances, to regulate the conduct Now, I will take occasion to refer to a few examples, of public officers, and to check the encroachments of Ex(of which many more are recorded in history,) to warn us ecutive power, is lost; if the right of the Chief Executive against the insidious approaches of selfish ambition, and Magistrate to interpret the laws for all subordinate officers the march of usurpers to arbitrary power. Marius and throughout the whole executive management, and to reSylla made fair promises at first, but seized the despotic quire and enforce obedience, be conceded, then the espowers of Government afterwards. Julius Cæsar degra-sential principles of free government are lost, every valded the dignity and authority of the Senate, to pave the uable part of the Government is lost, the Congress is sunk way to sovereign power. He introduced into the Senate into comparative insignificance, and the constitution not his retainers, soldiers, and followers. He barangued the Senate, said he had never affected extraordinary honors, or illegal powers; talked of peace, equity, and justice, and immediately after broke into the public treasury and carried off the money to procure the men.

Otho appealed from the Roman senate to the prætorian band-by them, and the populace whom he had courted and corrupted, he was proclaimed prince, triumphed for a while over the institutions of his country, but died by his own sword.

Octavius, surnamed Augustus, remoddled the senate,

worth preserving. If the claims of power in the protest
be admitted and sanctioned, we will have a despotic Gov-
ernment, under the forms of a Commonwealth. Believ-
ing that such doctrines as are set forth in the protest, in
precept and example, are at war with the constitution
and tend to uproot the foundation of all free govern-
ment, I conjure the Senate to reject such arbitrary prin-
ciples, and to stand forth in support of the constitution,
and in defence of the liberties of the country.
The Senate then adjourned to Monday.

SENATE.]

Proceedings in Virginia.-Utica (N. Y.) Memorial.

MONDAY, APRIL 28.
PROCEEDINGS IN VIRGINIA.

[APRIL 28, 1834.

brought hither by a deep sense of injury, grievous for

pains of presenting to Congress a memorial so numerously signed, from any improper motive, or for any groundless cause. The evils which they state, they feel; and Mr. TYLER presented the preamble and resolutions of the young men of Richmond and Manchester, in the State they state them, in order that Congress may be prevailed of Virginia, disapproving of the measures of the Execu- it is not clamor, it is not faction, that brings the farmers, It is not party spirit, upon to afford the proper redress. tive in relation to the transfer of the public moneys from the manufacturers, and the merchants, of the county of the Bank of the United States, and highly approving of Oneida before the Senate. On the contrary, they are the course taken by the Senators of Virginia-Jons Tr LER and BENJANIN WATKINS LEIGH. Mr. T. observed, that the resolutions spoke for them-the present, and threatening to be more grievous, to their selves, and in precise terms. They manifested an acquaintance with the subject on which they treated, equal to that possessed by any who had heretofore addressed the Senate. He would simply remark, that these young men were as deeply interested in the prosperity and vital interests of the country, as any other portion of its population. We, sir, said Mr. T., are going out-they are coming in to fill the places we now occupy. Without making any further remarks, Mr. T. said he would move for the reading and printing of the resolutions, and their refer

ence to the Committee on Finance.

They were read, referred, and ordered to be printed accordingly.

pursuits, their employments, and their property; and by their own voices to the voices of others, in calling on an impulse of patriotism, which induces them to join Congress to maintain the authority of the laws over the the largest in the State, except the county of the city of public treasures. The county of Oneida is, I believe, New York. It is in the very heart of the State. It is largely interested in manufactures, both of woollen and cotton, which were in active operation, until the Executive began its experiment; and, as the experiment has gone on, one of these establishments after another has stopped.

For the close union of agricultural richness and beauty Mr. LEIGH presented a memorial on the same subject, with manufacturing industry, I have never seen any thing from sundry citizens of Gloucester county, in the State equal to the vale of the Sauquoit. Under the eye for of Virginia. He should not, he said, accompany the many miles, in its meanderings, its banks green to the presentation of the memorial with any remarks, but pound weight of its water but what has its use, on every water's edge by handsome cultivation, and scarcely a would content himself with moving that it be read, print-fall and ripple, in some manufacturing purpose, it preed, and referred in the usual manner. All which was agreed to.

UTICA (N. Y.) MEMORIAL.

sents a most beautiful view of fine scenery, rich and natural products, and varied human employments. I believe, sir, that the merchants of Utica, many of whose names Mr. WEBSTER said, that another voice, and that not are attached to this memorial, are distinguished for intela faint or feeble one, had reached the Senate from the in-ligence, liberality, enterprise, and public spirit. They terior of the State of New York. More than six thou- desire nothing from Government but good laws, well adsand of the freemen of the city of Utica, and the county ministered, and they think they have a right to expect of Oneida, have put their names to a memorial, which that their interests shall not be sacrificed, or their customthey have done me the honor to request me to present. ary pursuits broken up, for the mere purpose of introAt a season of the year when the roads in that rich soil ducing wild theories and rash speculations into public are deep and almost impassable, and when the business measures. of the opening year naturally engrosses the attention of Sir, this memorial is transmitted to me by gentlemen farmers, so great a number as six thousand citizens have well known to me. I know them to be incapable of misyet come forward to make known to Congress their sen- representation, and I know them to be good judges of the timents and their sufferings. Their memorial is short; sentiments of their county. They express an earnest for they think but few words necessary, either to set hope that Congress may yet do something for the relief forth the condition of their part of the country, or to of the country, before it adjourns. But should it not, point out the causes which have produced that condition. should it remain deaf to the demands of the people, they They say that the people are distressed and alarmed; the speak with undoubting confidence of the effectual opercurrency of the country deranged; the local banks com-ation of that great and sovereign remedy, which the pelled to withhold their usual loans; public and commer- people still hold in their hands, and which, in season, they cial confidence not only shaken, but almost destroyed; will well know how to apply. They believe, sir, fully, commerce languishing, and merchants failing; many man- that that great State, which has so much power, so much ufactories ceasing their operations, and those who have intelligence, and so great a stake in all the leading interbeen employed in them deprived of the means of sub-ests of the country, will not be, cannot be, long found sistence; agricultural products much reduced in price, out of her place in the Union. They say they do not and finding any sale with difficulty; and mechanics de- despair of the republic. They need not despair. As prived of employment. This, sir, is their statement of General Lafayette said of France, at the time of the three the facts. days' revolution, "a salutary excitement pervades the country."

As to the cause, they see but one, the removal of the deposites, and the control over the public treasures as sumed by the Executive.

Mr. President, are these and similar statements true, or are they not? Does this distress exist in the country, or does it not? Thousands allege that it does exist, and if it do not, why do not others come forth to deny it? And if it do exist, how long is it expected the people will be willing to bear it?

The people feel that their interests have been needlessly sacrificed; but, what is more, they see danger approach the constitution and the laws. They forget the actual loss of property, in the anticipated loss of liberty. Of all other inheritances, their dearest and choicest is the constitution and the laws; and this inheritance they mean to defend. I wish, sir, I could say to the people of Oneida county, that there was more hope than I think there Sir, I have the pleasure of knowing some of the inhab-is, of any measure of relief, at this session of Congress. itants of Oneida county, and especially of the city of Uti-They see, as well as I do, what that is, which continues ca; and I bear my testimony most cheerfully and cordially to obstruct all proper measures of relief. They see the to their general intelligence and respectability. I believe difference of opinion between the two Houses, and they the character of the people of the whole county to be know that the concurrent action of both Houses is necesinferior to that of none other. They have not taken the sary for any effectual measure. The Senate has pro

1529

APRIL 28, 1834.]

Utica (N. Y.) Memorial.-Huntingdon County Proceedings.

The proceedings were then read.

[SENATE.

Mr. WILKINS then asked, that the proceedings be nounced its judgment against the removal of the depos ites: it is for their restoration, and for their being re-read, referred to the Committee on Finance, and printed. placed under the custody of the law. But the people of Mr. CHAMBERS observed, that he had listened with Oneida will see, that the Senate can do nothing alone; that opinions, in another part of the Capitol, are different great attention to the reading of the proceedings, though from those of the Senate; and they will see, too, by the he confessed that he did not exactly understand them. late protest especially, as well as by previous publications, He was delighted, however, to learn that the gloom was passing away, and that the people of that portion of what opinions still prevail with the Executive. While, sir, whatever of hope does exist is not to be Pennsylvania were cheered with such increasing prosperThe Senator from Pennsylvania told us, that given up, and while every effort is to be made which may ity, and that the products of their labor found so ready promise relief and redress, at this session, yet undoubted- a market. ly it becomes the people of Oneida to act on the belief the sentiments expressed in these proceedings were dithat, in all probability, a change of public councils may rectly in opposition to those expressed in the memorial not be effected, but through the means of the will of the presented by the gentleman from Massachusetts. Well, then, that memorial informed us, that every thing was depeople, expressed at the polls. The memorial was then read, referred to the Commit-pressed; that produce found no market, and labor no retee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.

HUNTINGDON COUNTY PROCEEDINGS.

ward. Now these proceedings say, that the products of their industry command high prices. Do they (said Mr. C.) venture to tell us this, in defiance of facts well estabMr. WILKINS rose and said, he very heartily concur- lished throughout the whole country? Would the Senator red with the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, in from Pennsylvania tell us this, in spite of all the expethe principal part of the sentiments he had just present-rience he has had? The time had gone by, that even the ed to the Senate. He, himself, was laboring under no Senator from Pennsylvania denied that distress, deep dissuch excitement as that the gentleman had described, nor tress, prevailed throughout the country. Would any body did he at all despair of the republic, though he did de- of men venture to tell us, that the products of agriculspair of any thing being done at this session of Congress, ture bore as fair prices as formerly. The fact was, the in consequence of the lamentable contrariety of opinion proceedings said that there had been depression, but it prevailing in the other House and this, and out of doors was caused by that monster, the bank, and then they among the people at large. If it were possible (Mr. W. hurrahed for General Jackson. They told us that after said) for us to find out what the public sentiment was, on all this depression, things were a little better. Thus, the subject so continually discussed in the Senate, he when a man is in the agonies of death, if, presently, a litagreed with the Senator from Massachusetts that some- tle respiration comes, it might be said that he was better. thing could be done to relieve the public distress, and It would, most likely, be the same case with these people that all the members of the Senate would concur in ef- of Pennsylvania. The patient would die if he had no more favorable symptoms than a slight respiration. fecting that object.

As the Senator from Pennsylvania thought that nothing He had long despaired of ascertaining, by the proceedings of public meetings and memorials, so many of which was to be done, at this session of Congress, to relieve the had been presented, what the public sentiment was, as public distress, he called on him to speak with candor to to the object on which they treated. He had for a long this people, and to tell them what he really thought of time had several of them in his possession, which he did the present condition of the country. He asked him, in not think proper to present, because he did not believe candor, to say, if he had any expectation that nothing that any thing could be done by Congress, for the rea- would be done before the end of the present session. He The Senator from Virginia had did not pretend to say that there was any thing in our sons he had mentioned. just said, on presenting the proceedings of the young present condition likely to depress the price of bread. men of Richmond and Manchester, that they were as The crops of the last year were small, and were generally deeply interested in the prosperity and vital interests of sold out before the grand experiment of the Executive He should like to the country, as any other portion of its population. This commenced; and besides, people would buy bread at was very true, and it was to be presumed, that all the pe- whatever price, to escape starvation. titioners who came here were equally as deeply inter- know from the Senator from Pennsylvania, who had told ested in preserving the institutions of the country, in its us that the Bank of the United States was grinding down vital interests and in its prosperity, as they were. There the people, in what manner the bank could have acted was no doubt, that all the petitioners who came here, otherwise than it did, without sacrificing its own interest; gave us their candid sentiments; and it was to be presu- and how its proceedings could justly be charged as an med, that they were all as deeply interested in doing so. injury to the people? Those who had done all in their power to put down He had determined to present no more of these proceedings; but he had recently received one, that he felt this bank, surely would allow it to call in enough of its It was from the loans to meet the demands made on it by the Government. called upon to lay before the Senate. county of Huntingdon, a central county of the State, sit- If the bank only called in from its debtors precisely what uated on the great canal which this spring had been put the Government called from it, how was it possible that into operation, and promised to be a source of so much this pressure could be ascribed to its proceedings? It prosperity to the industry and enterprise of that county.might as well be said that by abstracting from any given It is a rich county, extensively engaged in agricultural amount you increased its product. Now he did not depursuits and in manufactures, and an iron region too, sire that the people should be misinformed, either by where that branch of manufacture is extensively and prof. what had been said by the people of Huntingdon county, This makes them peculiarly interest- or by the Senator from Pennsylvania. They admitted itably conducted. ed in those subjects on which the general prosperity of that there had been great pressure; but they now say that prices are better than before. The people, said Mr. the country depends. C., are to believe from the evidences before them, from their own experience of distress, and not from the assertions of a single set of proceedings, where even the numbers attending are not given.

These proceedings presented sentiments directly the reverse of those in the memorial handed in by the Senator from Massachusetts. On the contrary, they say that the products of their industry meet with a ready demand, and bear a good price; that they are cheered by increasing prosperity; and that their spirits are high.

Mr. CLAY said, that if these proceedings were a specimen of the mass which the gentleman from Pennsylva

SENATE.]

Huntingdon County Proceedings.

[APRIL 28, 1834.

nia [Mr. WILKINS] had in his drawer, and which he had communication or correspondence conveying to him the forborne to present, he was not surprised that he had not fact of there being any distress in the city of Pittsburg, produced them. He thought that this memorial from the and he said then that he believed there was none prerespectable county of Huntingdon, in which there were vailing there. But, so soon as the announcement which great iron works, forges, &c., had been written under he had made here had reached the place of his residence, the operation of these. There was abundance of figure a meeting was held in consequence, and in one of the and metaphor, but further the deponent sayeth not. But resolutions which were passed by it, and which he was he had risen only for a single purpose. The resolution- sorry he had not observed till some time afterwards-not ists had referred to him as a retained advocate of the bank. because it was in justification of himself-but because Mr. WILKINS. No. they had in it distinctly admitted that they had kept their complaints to themselves, and that the cry of distress had not proceeded from the citizens of Pittsburg.

Mr. CLAY. Certainly: I heard such a charge in one of the resolutions.

Mr. WILKINS. Not by name.

In one of their resolutions they pointed to the future, Mr. CLAY. Oh! no, not by name! Good breeding pre- and expressed themselves alarmed at what it might devented that. He desired, however, to contradict the velop. That was the extent of the declaration, and there statement in direct terms. He said that when the gen- was his justification for it. He acknowledged that distleman from Pennsylvania addressed the framers of these tress did overspread the land, and, to the utter condemresolutions, he would thank him to present his respects nation of the bank, let him say it. He would confess to them, in the most courteous terms, and to say that that he had been disappointed; for he did not anticipate there was not a word of truth in the assumed fact that he that the power of the bank, by its machinations and miswas the retained advocate of the Bank. He had not for chievous proceedings, could have caused such distress more than nine years been in any way connected profes- in the country. With respect to the people of Huntsionally with the bank. He knew from what quarter ingdon, he knew not whether they spoke the truth: but these charges came; but he wished it to be distinctly un- he believed them. They had spoken of the price of their derstood, that for nearly ten years he had been in no agricultural products as being better than was supposed connexion with the bank. by the friends of the administration. Notwithstanding

Mr. WILKINS said, it would be recollected by the Sen- they were in the midst of a country liable to be materialate, that, on an occasion similar to the present, he had ly affected by the distress which prevailed elsewhere, announced his opinion that our fellow-citizens had a right yet they did not complain of any particular distress. to be heard there in any language they chose to adopt. As to this memorial being a contradiction to that from The Senators could not examine very critically the terms Oneida, he merely meant to say, that it was a contradicin which their memorials or remonstrances were couched. tion to the great question-whether the Government or If they did, it would be, in his opinion, an infringement the bank had been the cause of the present distress? He upon an invaluable right secured to them by the consti- would beg to refer honorable Senators, and the gentletution. It was for the Senate, after the presentation of a man from Maryland in particular, to the price of agricul paper, to say what it was their pleasure to do with it. He tural produce, by which it would be seen that things were was aware of the allusion in the memorial to the honora- looking up. Let gentlemen look, for instance, at the ble Senator from Kentucky, and which that gentleman price of flour and other articles in Baltimore and Philahad noticed, and he (Mr. W.) decidedly disapproved of delphia. He, and every one living in Pennsylvania, must it. But when he received a communication from his con- admit, that the opening of the canal in that State had stituents, which they desired him to present to the Sen- been the means of spreading universal prosperity there. ate, his own individual opinion, or his personal feelings It was with much regret that he perceived, in one of the towards any Senator, was not to influence him in his duty. resolutions, allusion was made to the two honorable genThe Senator from Kentucky would have a right to rebuke and complain of him when he should find him using language of his own at all disrespectful towards him or any other member. Will he now, said Mr. W., in justice to myself, point to a case in which I have at all sanctioned, by the most distant implication, language of that sort? Mr. CLAY said he could not.

That

tlemen from New Jersey. The resolution merely spoke
of the question which those Senators were in the daily
habit of advocating-whether they were representing
truly or not, the sentiments of their constituents.
was the question. His (Mr. W.'s) constituents believed
that they did not: but he would not pretend to decide the
matter. Had he, however, been at liberty to express
his sentiments, he could have wished that they did.

reference to the bank was one way, and the opposing party conceived it to be on their side. However, the people, who were the ultimate arbiters in every question, would show by their action which party was right.

Mr. WILKINS resumed. He was sure the Senator could not. So much for the language; the gentleman was not But, on the side of the administration, the Senate had named. There were many high and distinguished citizens prima facie evidence, in the instructions of the Legislature now held up-he knew not with what truth-as candi- of New Jersey, that the honorable Senators from New dates for the Presidency. That language might apply to Jersey did not represent the sentiments of their constituothers; but, if it was applicable to the honorable Sena- ents. The gentleman combated the testimony produced tor, he was not aware of it, and should the more regret against them by giving the proceedings of meetings held it. The honorable gentleman from Maryland had been in New Jersey. He would not pretend to decide the again pleased to allude, and call to the recollection of the case. One party believed that the public sentiment in Senate, an expression of his (Mr. W.'s) in reference to the city of his residence, which he had used at an early period of this discussion. The gentleman, in his recollection of the phrase, had made it rather too general. He (Mr. W.) never did deny that there was distress, and Mr. CHAMBERS said he had but one more word to a pressure weighing heavily upon the community; though add, in reply to the Senator from Pennsylvania. He unin the month of January, he did deny there was any dis- doubtedly considered him as having said, in very distinct tress among the citizens of the place to which he had ref- terms, that the proceedings of the Huntingdon county He had a paper in his possession, though unfor- meeting contradicted the memorial presented by the gentunately it was not by him, which fully justified him in tleman from Massachusetts; that is, contradicted the making the assertion. He had used the phrase attribu- idea that the Government, as it is termed, has produced ted to him, it was true; but then, it was so qualified at the distress to the extent described in the New York methe time, as to justify him, and would justify him now. morial. He did not mean to involve the Senator in any He had, at that time, denied that he had received any further difficulty with his constituents.

erence.

APRIL 28, 1834.]

Huntingdon County Proceedings.

1534 [SENATE.

Mr. WILKINS. You cannot do it, sir. Mr. CHAMBERS said he did not intend by any means posites from the Bank of the United States. fore the people? It was the removal of the public deto convey the idea that he could; for he had previously de- man say that he doubted whether a majority of the people clared that the language of the Huntingdon proceedings approved or disapproved of that measure? He knew that Would any was an exaggeration. The gentleman did not pretend to many supported the Executive who, perhaps, would consay that there had been no distress, and he (Mr. C.) was tinue to support him. But did they do it because of this glad that he was right so far. A little reflection, he measure, or in despite of this measure? Did any man thought, would set him right farther. I am not willing, doubt that a great number of the Executive's supporters said Mr. C., to believe that public sentiment will not op were in favor of the bank? He had certainly no objecerate on Congress until after the elections. the public sentiment would be felt long before that time. same rights with all others who had expressed their senHe hoped tion to give the people of Huntingdon the exercise of the What would the gentleman say, if the whole State of timents here. They, however, had not, in expressing Pennsylvania would speak as Philadelphia had spoken? their sentiments, given the names of those who attended The gentleman from Georgia consoled himself with the the meeting, nor the number of them; but simply gave idea, that, although matters were all wrong in Philadel- the sentiments of a public meeting, the names not menphia, yet there was a redeeming spirit in Pennsylvania. tioned. Mr. W. did not know the reason why the SenaNow if the whole State of Pennsylvania would speak as tor from Pennsylvania had selected those Huntingdon proPhiladelphia had, would those gentlemen be satisfied ceedings from the number of memorials and proceedings with respect to public sentiment in that State? Yet there in his possession, and which he said he had not thought had been enough heard from Pennsylvania to satisfy proper to present. Whether on account of its superior them that public sentiment there was not with the ad- style, the propriety of its sentiments, or the decorum in ministration on the bank question. He, Mr. C., did hope which they were expressed, it was not necessary to nothat the people were not to be ruined, and say nothing tice. He had only to observe, that public sentiment about it. Office-holders, to be sure, would praise the ad- could only be ascertained from the mass of resolutions ministration and cry out that there was no distress. would many of their friends. So and memorials which gone without his breakfast, if a warm friend of the admin-olutions were daily coming from every part of the counBut the man, who had Against the conduct of the Executive, memorials and rescame here from all quarters. istration, might still hurrah for Jackson. ner and supper were non sunt inventi, he would not hur- on one side, and some on the other, and a vast majority When his din- try. Persons had been selected to obtain names, some rah so loudly. But if he missed his breakfast the next of those names sent here were in opposition to the adminmorning, he would not hurrah at all. Whether the Legislature of a State, said Mr. C., is or noticed by the honorable Senator from Maryland, that istration. He was sorry he had expressed any doubt, as is not competent to instruct its Senators, is not a matter any relief would be had from Congress at this session. of much moment; but we all agree, that, when it is as- But such were his fears. He had expressed no doubts certained that the people have spoken, no manner of which should slacken the exertions of those who thought doubt is left. He regretted to hear that his friend from with him, and something could and ought to be done. Massachusetts failed to respond to the confident hopes of His purpose for action was the same that he expressed in the people of Oneida county; that is, that something would the beginning of the session, that Congress was bound, be done for the relief of the people by the present Con- before it adjourned, to give that relief which the condition gress. He for his part, still indulged the hope that of the country required. something would be done, and that the voice of a suffer

ing people would still have some influence. He called gentleman from Massachusetts had fallen. He (Mr. W.) Mr. WILKINS rose to correct an error into which the upon his friends here, not to lock up public sentiment: did not admit that he could not make up his opinion as to to let them speak in the majesty of their strength, and what was the public sentiment in regard to the present to let their voice be pronounced here. would then be unanimous, with the exception of office-ty of opinion existing, that it retarded the action of ConTheir verdict state of affairs; but he had said that such was the diversiholders, who turn a blind eye to Executive usurpation; gress. who see nothing in the statute-book to prevent the Presi-public sentiment lay in relation to the removal of the deAs to himself, he had no doubt on which side the dent from using the public money, and assuming to him- posites, and the recent action of the administration in self powers not granted by the constitution. Let us, said reference to the finances of the country. He should say he, expect to witness such a burst of popular feeling as the public sentiment was with the administration; at the will compel us to act, and settle at once the unhappy dif- same time he was free to admit that, in the great commerference of opinion prevailing here as to the state of pub-cial cities of the Union, the administration had lost ground; lic sentiment. Mr. WEBSTER rose to express his dissent to the idea moneyed interest. for the commercial community would always go with the that there was any difficulty in ascertaining the sentiments as a fair test by which to ascertain the opinion of the But those cities were not to be taken of the people on the great question before them. Senator from Pennsylvania had said that there were so He knew perfectly well that, in Philadelphia proper, the The great mass of the people-the yeomanry of the country. many memorials before the Senate, he could not for his administration had vastly lost ground with the commercial life understand in which way public sentiment was direct- community; but that city had been for some years oppoed. This was to him strange. Could any candid man sed to it. say that he had a doubt on the subject? Memorials were ground, and he knew that he had been stripped of a great In Pittsburg, too, the administration had lost constantly coming in, and how did they range? How did portion of the favor which he had had the honor to enjoy they compare? Why, as twenty to one against the meas- in the eyes of his fellow-citizens. ures of the administration. There was no doubt that impression that he stood well with them, and he might many memorials came here expressing sentiments in ap- say, without any vanity or arrogance, that he considered He had been under the probation of the measures of the administration, in regard himself somewhat popular. It was now, however, very to the public moneys. They were such as had been likely that he should stand in a different light, and be passed at Baltimore, and at other places, and it was just looked upon, when he should return to his constituents, as preposterous for a man to say that he could not under-with great coldness, for the course he had taken in regard stand the state of public sentiment because of these few to the removal of the deposites. It was a course which, proceedings, as to say that he could not distinguish the he could declare before God, his conscience dictated to difference between numbers. What was the question be-him to pursue. He could not but regret that he had lost

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