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April 23, 1834. ]
[SENATE. every where assails his astonished vision; to a scene in to call in question the religiousness or respectability of contrast with all he has ever seen or known before; and the individuals who were present at that meeting. The then tell him, and tell him truly, The wretchedness, and should not have done so, for he understood the honorable poverty, and misery you witness, is the fatal effect of one Senator to have been among them. inan's folly and passion. The remedy will be applied, not (Mr. CHAMBERS said: No, sir, I was not there; I should by faction or "almost treason.” It may be that, yielding have been proud to have been among them.] to those impulses which are strongly implanted in the hu- Mr. Forseti resumed: He was of opinion that nothing man breast, a sense of unprovoked injury may drive indi- but a spirit of faction could have prompted them to make viduals who have been deprived of the very means of sub- such an exhibition on the Sabbath day. It was a well sistence, who witness the cries of naked children for known fact that the city of Philadelphia had always acted bread, and see the tear of distress in the eye of a wife in opposition to the rest of Pennsylvania. Now, as to the silently suffering the agonies of starvation, or the scarcely expression which he had made use of—that they had less intolerable agony of living upon cold charity, to oc- almost committed treason,” he spoke not of the acts, casional bursts of desperation and violence. These will but of the indications of a design on the part of the people be repressed, and men will not preler unlawful means 10 to act-not against the Senate, but to compel Congress accomplish what they may rightfully effect.
to act. The Senator from Georgia has visited Philadelphia, (Mr. Clar said: Not against the Senate?] and I have smiled to hear the history of his hopes and his Mr. FORSytu continued: No; but against Congress. speculations. He thinks nine-tenths of the people of Penn- He had a paper in his hand, and it was published amidst sylvania will sustain the President! He admits that in the excitement, either on Sunday or the next day. Philadelphia all is lost. I am sure the Senator was in a [Here Mr. F. read two or three passages from a Baltisociety there somewhat new to him. of his former asso- more print, setting forth in strong terms the cause which ciates, he could scarcely find one remaining in the faith the people bave to defend-one, resembling that for he holds. His means of information were probably limit- which their ancestors fought, and who had sheathed their ed-perhaps confined to those who have the same easy swords only when they had gained freedom. The Presifaith with himself in this behalf. Why, sir, the people dent and Congress could relieve the people, and, if they in the cities are the same sort of people as those in the did not, revolution must come, &c.] country. On any great question of political power or po- Mr. F. proceeded: Was there any other meaning inlitical propriety, they have the same feelings, and will tended by that language than this-that, unless Congress have the same judgment. It is true, in cities, where the purposed to grant relief, by succumbing to the bank, revpopulation is so dense, men confer more rapidly, and olution must come? No overt acts, it had been said, were come to their conclusions in masses more promptly. committed, but moral treason had been indulged in; and When conviction of error is felt, the good work of ref- such a course of conduct, he was sure, would be looked ormation is commenced; but there is a strong obstacle down upon by the indignant eye of the people of the still to its consummation. In the cities the cotemporane- United States. ous acknowledgment of error renders the condition of Mr. CHAMBERS said: I must insist on the correction each individual less offensive, by exposing his pride-the to which the remarks of the Senator are subject. He fatal sin of our nature-to fewer and less mortifying at- tells us that the history of the country presents no parallel tacks from those who remain obdurate. It requires å de- to the present times; that such excitement has been ungree of moral courage, not always found, even with honest known; that no instance has occurred where men of inmen, to come out alone and single-handed to renounce tellectual, moral, and religious character had yielded to further communion with a creed, the doctrines of which feelings, which could not be restrained on the Sabbath. are far from acceptable.
Sir, I repeat, there has been such a period in our hisHas the honorable Senator ever felt such a sentiment? tory—a period when the hand of power assumed the “cusHas he never persevered in the defence of a political tody and control of our property, as the hand of power lepel, because, from the high elevation on which he stands now assumes; when arbitrary power, in violation of an before the American people and the world, he was unwil- unwritten constitution, seized upon the public revenue, Lag to wound his pride by the acknowledgment of error? as arbitrary power now seizes upon the public revenue in
In matters of pecuniary interest, where the real or sup- violation of our written constitution and laws. The noble posed advantages of city and country are in opposition, spirit of the whigs of that day was excited; they knew they will differ; but on great political doctrines they will that, if not resisted, the lawless pretension to control their think alike. The hopes of the Senator are delusive; they money and property would end in the destruction of all prove that those in power-misused and abused power liberty; they met the approach of despotism at its first are the last to see and know the real state of popular step. The same spirit is now excited, the same detersentiment. One would think that facts of recent occur- mined resistance will oppose the first dawnings of despot: rence would open the eyes of those who are not judicially ism now. Does the lionorable Senator rebuke the spirit blinded. Is the voice of New York unheard that glori- of '76, because it led his ancestors and mine to meet on ous voice, responsive to the claims of patriotism and the Sunday, to talk on Sunday, or even to fight and conquer principles of constitutional law? Are the elections in Vir- battles on Sunday? No, sir, they believed it was “acginia regarded? or in Maine, and every where in those ceptable service to carry on the good work by using which have been very lately held? In every great con- Sunday, when an occasion presented on that day which test for civil liberty, the city and the country had agreed. could not be found on any other day. They did so in 1776, when the Executive head of the Sir, the people of Baltimore, who are censured by the Government claimed dominion over the purse, as well as Senator, believe that a struggle is now going on, as esthe sword. They will not do less now, when the same sentially vital to their liberties as the struggle in '76; they claim is preferred.
believe this as conscientiously as they believe in their obSir, 1 rose only to give expression to a feeling which ligations to their God, and to the day which He has sancticould not be repressed when friends dear to me were as-fied. The Senator does not perceive it. Quite possible. sailed. The feebleness of my effort to vindicate them The ministers of the King, and his partisans and supportwill be abundantly supplied by their virtues, which have ers, in '76, did not perce usurpation then. The exattracted the respect and esteem of the community in citement of the people was rebuked; it was “senseless which they live.
cry," "faction,” almost and altogether treason. It must Mr. FORSYTH replied, stating that he had no intention be so now, and the experience of all ages and nations pre
New Jersey Memorials.
[Arnil 23, 1834.
sented precisely this difference of sentiment and language the people come to a decision. The gentle man might between the friends of power and the friends of liberty bave taken lessons from the recent resulis of the elections and the law. The whigs of '76 could not correct their both in the North and in the South; and yet one of his rulers by the ballot-box, and they resorted to the only most constant arguments is to tell us of what he hopes weapon which could give them redress. Thanks to their from the people. He may yet have to place himself in patriotism and their wisdom for the better condition in the anxious seat of the constituents of the member from which we live. The ballot-box is now effective, and Maryland, and, like them, repent the support he has nothing else could, at this moment, avert a civil war. Sir, given to those who have brought such disasters on the if it were not for the abiding conviction that a peaceable country. mode of effectual redress is open to the people, it is my With respect to the resolutions of the Legislatures of confirmed belief they would at this moment be in arms. New Jersey and Maine, the President records them in It is not in human nature-I care not how refined or culti- lis protest as a censure of the Senators from those States, vated-to witness the prostration of their fortunes, the and asks the Senate to record them on their journal as sudden annibilation of their hopes, the daily regular apo authentic; yet all this is not to be taken as a rebuke of proach to penury and want; themselves, and those more those members for their votes in the Senate. Why, the dear to them, denied their daily bread for their daily la- bonorable gentleman might see, at once, that in this the bor, and to feel and know that it is the work of arbitrary President had committed a gross and palpable abuse of power grasping at the vitals of that constitution and the the privileges of this House. jaws which they hold sacred. It is not in buman nature Ile rose to ask the gentleman from Georgia if he had that men, free men, should thus observe and feel, without done him justice in relation to the conversation he bad alopting the appropriate means of redress.
referred to as having taken place between the President The appropriate mode of redress is undoubtedly by a and the ex-King of Spain. The President said he had calm but firm and animated expression of the popular made the ex-Emperor Napoleon his model. Now he, will, by exciting a just indignation against the measures Mr. C., did not say that lie feared that the President which procluce the evil
, and by concentrating the effect- could use the army and navy to disperse the National Leive power of tlıe people at the polls. This was what the gislature; but that lie had too much confidence in the citizens of Baltimore are disposed to do, and in due time patriotism of the army and navy to fear that they could they will give us very satisfactory evidences of it. be used for any such purpose. On the contrary, he said
I thought the terms employed by the Senator from that two of the officers of that House would be sufficient Georgia, in reference to this meeting, any thing but just to meet any force that could be sent. I am glad to hear him qualify them. The community to Mr. WEBSTER said he was very sorry to be compelwhich the gentleman composing the meeting belonged, is led to rise again on this question. But circumstances as moral and religious as any other; the gentlemen them- bad come within his own knowledge, which he deemed selves were many of them from the most estimable ranks it necessary to mention. When he arrived in Philadelin that community; men with whom the Senator from phia, on his return to Washington, he received informaGeorgia may consider it his pride, as I consider it an tion of the very extraordinary communication sent by honor, to associate as acquaintances and friends.
the President to the Senate; and certainly, all that lie Mr. FORSYTH said the reference of the gentleman conversed with viewed it with the utmost alarm and disreminded him of a piece of information he had lately re- approbation. When he arrived at Baltimore, he found ceived. He thought it had been said that the people of multitudes of people in the streets, certainly not assemPhiladelphia were those who had suffered the most from bled in a riotous manner, but evincing a deep state of the late pecuniary pressure, yet he learned, to his great feeling from some great cause. When the boat arrived satisfaction, that the last season was the only one in which at the wharf, a gentleman came forward and introduced committees of charity had not travelled round to collectone venerable man, who addressed him, by saying, “I contributions to clothe and feed the distressed.
am a member of the Presbyterian church, and you may Mr. CHAMBERS said the whole country was in such be surprised to see me in the crowd on such a day; but a state of extreme suffering, as to render it almost impos- I remember that we had no Sundays in revolutionary sible to collect money for charitable objects.
times to interfere with our duty to our country. We Mr. CLAY observed, that he rose with a good deal of know that our liberties are in danger, and we come down reluctance, but since he found such additional arguments to you for the purpose of making you acquainted with from the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. ForsyTI,) he our true situation, and to ask what we are to depend on.' should make a few observations, only out of respect to The honorable gentleman says this crowd was comhim. The gentleman has announced that the President posed of men influenced by the exasperated feelings of has not one dollar of the public money in his possession. faction. Was there no feeling of exasperation separate True, sir; the money in the lands of these selected banks from faction? Did the honorable gentleman never hear
Considering the analogies of liistory, it of the exasperated feelings of patriotism? And did these would be scen, in the manner the Executive is moving feelings never call forth crowds to assemble in the streets, on to despotism, how remarkably striking they are. even on a Sunday? With what eyes did the gentleman When a celebrated ancestor of the honorable Senator look on the many who meet on every day of the week from South Carolina (Mr. PRESTON] once remarked through the whole Union? Were they exclusively of the on the floor of the General Assembly of Virginia, classes of one particular party. He must know that these that Cæsar had found a Brutus, and Charles a Crom- masses were collected by a general feeling of oppression. well, the cry of treason resounded; and now we are told Did the gentleman never see such crowds collected at a by a no less loyal supporter of the Chief Magistrate, that steamboat wharf that he could not get through without we are committing treason. Treason, sir! When and being jostled? So far as he (Mr. W.) was concerned, where, and against whom? Why, he had hoped that it was a matter of no importance. But so far as the city treason consisted only in some overt act, as it was defined of Baltimore was concerned, which was behind no cily in the constitution; but now, it seems, that treason can in the Union for high patriotism, intelligence, moral be committed again one of the parts of this Government. worth, and religious feeling, the observations of the gene In the reign of terror we had only sedition; but now, tleman deserved some rebuke. opposition to the President was treason. The honorable The honorable gentleman seemed to liave in lois eye member, said Mr. C., tells us that the people will sustain some terra incognita, out of which that great voice is to the acts of the Executive, and that we shall see it when come, which is to settle this great question in favor of
is all gone.
April 23, 1834.]
[SENATE. the administration. He himself decides that this terra his dignified body had chosen to pursue against the Presincognita was not on the seacoast--and he knew in this ident, who, for the first time, had now appealed to the he was correct, for from Maine to South Carolina, that people. That high functionary had come before the Sen. feeling which the gentleman calls exasperation and fac- ate with a most respectful statement of his belief, that tion, the people call patriotism-a sense of injury and op. they had transcended their authority. And how was he pression. Where, then, is the terra incognita to be treated? He had been called a tyrant and a usurper, found? The gentleman said that Philadelphia always who trampled down the Senate, and had violated the conthought against Pennsylvania, but recent events seemed stitution and laws of the Union. This was the manner in to incline the gentleman to think that all great cities dif- which he had been assailed, for merely asking that his fered from the country. On the great question which message should be put upon the Journal of the Senate now agitated the people, he apprehended that the cities along with the resolutions that had been passed, censurand the country thought alike. If a question affected the ing his conduct. cities only, the country might, from not understanding it, Mr. CLAY said he could not withhold his congratulaview it in a different light. But on the constitutional tions, that the gentleman from Georgia was about to leave question, whether the free institutions of the country are his party. He had grown weary of the hurrahs. The to be preserved, the man who is the most deeply inter- shouts had become unpleasant to his ear. Perhaps, howested is the agriculturist; and, if the inhabitant of the ever, this was because bis party got no more of these cities is the earliest to move in it, it is because he has the shouls, and the grapes were sour. earliest means of information.
The proceeding were then referred as usual. Mr. FORSYTII said that he had received a very differ
PRESIDENT'S PROTEST. ent account of the meeting at Baltimore from that which had been given by the honorable Senator from Massachu
The Senate next proceeded to the consideration of the setts. According to his account, there were no cheers special order, being the appeal against the decision of given--no cries of “Down with the tyrant-Down the Chair, that the amendment of Mr. Forsyth was in
order. with the usurper,” and no voice or clamor was heard. No: but all was peace, peace-nothing but a spirit of calm
The yeas and nays were then ordered, and the question ness pervaded that meeting. And the place at which was taken without discussion, and determined as follows: the people assembled was particularly appropriate-it
YEAS.--Messrs. Benton, Black, Forsyth, Grundy, Hill, Il as at the door of a public hotel! He (Mr. F.) hoped Kane, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Linn, McKenn, he did know the difference between a spirit of faction Morris, Robinson, Shepley, Tipton, White, Wilkins, and a spirit of patriotism. He judged of the character
Wright.-17. of meetings by the indications they manifested; and he
NAYS.--Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Calhoun, Chambers, Clay, would tell the gentleman from Massachusetts how he Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Kent, Leighi, (Mr. F.) looked upon crowds which gave vent to such Mangum, Moore, Poindexter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, language, and conducted themselves as he had just staSilsbee, Smith, Southard, Sprague, Swift, Tomlinson, ted-it was with the most profound pity and feeling of re
Tyler, Waggaman, Webster.-26. gret. When he saw crowds parading the streets and
So the decision of the Chair was reversed, and the huzzaing, he must be permitted to say that it was conduct amendment offered by Mr. Forsytu was declared to be
out of order.* unbecoming freemen. He would say to them,"
“ You have forgotten it is your power which controls the mighty destinies of this Union. You have forgotten this, and
* SENATE CHAMBER, April 23, 1834.
Messrs. Gules & Seaton: have degraded yourselves by imitating the conduct of the brule rabble in the old country.” A great moral revoluing, I find that the report of the proceedings of the Senate of
Gentlemen: 1. louking over the Intelligencer of this morntion, be would tell the people, was to be effected only yesterday is calculated to du me great injustice. To correct through the ballot-boxes.
misrepresentation, not, I presume, intentionally made, I must The honorable Senator had said that he (Mr. F.) was e quest you to insert in your paper a liue account of those promistaken in regard to what he stated respecting Philadel- ceedings, will the reasons, stated at the time, upon which the phia having been always opposed to the rest of the State. decision of the Chair was founded, which I now vi ansinit to you. Now, he (Mr. F.) thought the remark universally cor
Respecifully, your obedient servant, rect; and it was to be accounted for by the great mass of
WILLIAM R. KING. the population of that city being dependent for their dai
On Monday, the 21st instant, Mr. POINDEXTER substituled ly bread upon those who were at present exciting them in President on the 17th, several resolutions, the last of which
for his previous molion, not to receive the paper sent by the defence of a great moneyed power. But go into the coun
was, “Resolved, therefore, that the paper be not received by try and ask the people ihere to huzza for any body, and the Senate" While these resolutions were under considerasee whether they would do it. No, they would not. lletion, Mr. King, of Alabama, was called 10 the Chair. When had seen a meeting assembled for the purpose of receiv-Mr Ewing, of Ohio, then on the for, bad conclurled his reing General Washington—that greatest and best of men-maks, Mr. Wilkins made a motion 10 postpone their furiher when he was travelling the country, and at that meeting consideration until the day following, that the Senate might not one cheer or loud huzza was given. No; they look-procerol to the considera:ion of Executive business. ed on him with reverence, and he beheld them with af jered by the Senate. Mr. Forsyth then noved to amend fection. When he reached the place of bis residence, of the 17. bi, and that of the 21st. Mr. Calhoun required that
The first resolution, by inserting the President's communication the people went to him and took him by the hand, as the notion should be reduced to writing Mr. Fousrtu letichikiren would their fathers. No outeries were raised-- Hered the written papers then on the table of the Secretary. none. They evinced the beartfelt gratitude of freemen in I was objected, that they had not been written by the mover, a very different way. The honorable Senator had said and a question of order made. The Cuin stated that the obé there was a certain terra incognita from which a certain ject of the rule was nothing more than to place notions before voice was to come. The gentleman had not found it, al- ihe Senate, in such form us would enable Senators to examine though he had been anticipating it for many years.
He and understand them; that it was not necessary, nor was it in(Mr. F.) alluded to that part of the country which had so tended that propositions made must be in the handwriting of the triumphantly sustained our Chief Magistrate, and which, mover; that the rule was substantially complied with; and that le believed, would sustain him again. The people were order. From this decision Mr. Caluoun touk an appeal. On not to be deceived they would not be diverted from the the following day this appeal came up for consideration, (Mr. object of their choice, notwithstanding the course which King again in the Chair',) when Mi. Calhoun witbdrew it.
It was re
[APRIL 23, 1834.
Mr. FORSYTH then demanded that the question be Mr. C. explained that his modification varied only from taken on the resolutions separately.
the original resolutions in two particulars. The modifiMr. CLAY then moved to strike out all the resolutions cation places on record what must indeed have otherwise after the word “Resolved," in the first resolution, and to been obvious, the readiness of the Senate to record, at insert the following:
all times, such proceedings and messages as the President Resolved, That the protest communicated to the Senate may think proper to transmit, in compliance with his on the 10th instant, by the President of the United States, constitutional duties. There was another difference, conasserts powers as belonging to the President which are sisting in this. The proposition of the gentleman from inconsistent with the just authority of the two Houses of Mississippi is, not to receive the message. The last resCongress, and inconsistent with the constitution of the olution of the modification proposes not to record it on United States.
the Journal. In his opinion, the recording of a paper Resolved, That while the Senate is, and ever will be, was its reception. According to the uniform practice, ready to receive from the President all such messages the messages are all recorded. The last resolution marks and communications as the constitution and laws and the the distinction between the regular and usual messages of usual course of business authorize him to transmit to it, the President and the present, and refuses to the latter yet it cannot recognise any right in bim to make a formal that place on the Journal to which all messages, agreeaprotest against votes and proceedings of the Senate, de- bly to the constitution, are entitled. claring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and un- Mr. POINDEXTER expressed his readiness to take constitutional, and requesting the Senate enter such either course which might be most agreeable to the Senprotest on its Journals.
After some few remarks, he moved to lay the resoResolved, that the aforesaid protest is a breach of the lutions and modifications on the table, in order to give privileges of the Senate, and that it be not entered on time for reflection on the subject. He withdrew his the Journal.
Some discussion ensued, in which Mr. CALHOUN, Mr. PorxDEXTER then presented a paper stating several ques. tions of order, and demanding their decision by the Presiding and minorities. If a rule, thus deliberately enacted, can be Officer. As these points of order were not directly connected varied at pleasure, and in a moment of peculiar excitement, with the subject under consideration, the Chair declined to de- by the instantaneous expression of the will of the majority che them, being, as was believed, beyond the scope of its du- where, I would ask, is this security to be found? If a rule, in ties; but stated most distinctly, that, should a question of order its practical operation, is likely, in the opinion of the majority, be raised as to the reception of the motion of the Sevalor from to produce what that majority may consider a particular inconiGeorgia, the only subject now before it, the Chair would feel venience, are they at literty to set it at naughi, and break over itself bounil, and would not hesitate to decide it. Mr. Puin all the checks and restraints intended to shelter and protect DEXTER, on consultation witli bis friends, withdrew the paper, the minority. If the rules are defective, let them be anendel. and then objected to the reception of the motion of the Senator If unnecessary, or injurious, let them be repealed. But until from Georgia, as inconsistent with the design of the resolutions changed, or abolisheri, let not the fear of possible inconvenioffe red by him, and calculated to defeat the object in view byence cause them to be disregarded, and set al naught. The the action of less than a majority of the Senate, and therefore Chair has no discretion; lo enforce them as they are, is his imnot in order. Considerable discussion took place. After which, perative duty. Mr. KING thus addressed the Senate:
It has been stated that this proposition (o amend cannot be This subject is one of exciting interest. The individual who in order, because, should the yers and nays be directed, it temporarily occupies the Chair, most anxious to decide the would cause the paper presented by the President to be placed question of order correctly, albough not in strict accordance on the Journal, which is precisely what the resolutions propose with usage, desired, and has availed himself of, the views to prevent. To this, I can only say, that such is not the effect of honorable Senators, to enlighten his mind, and thus enable for the present motion, nor does it belong to the Chair to look him so to determine the question as will save our rules from beyond the question presenteel, nor to decide points of order violation, preserve the rights of the Senate, and of each individ- upon the supposition ibat some subsequent act of the Senate ual Senator.
may produce inconvenient results. The Journal, however, is These, and these only, will be steadily kept in view by the always under the control of the Senate. But it is said the proincumbent of the Chair: Could he evade a decision, wiihout poseil amendment will effect by indirection what it is propose a loss of self-respect, by shrinking from the discharge of a duty led to present. Be il so; yet it does not belong to the Chair 10 which accident has evolved upon bim, nost willingly would interpose and prevent is reception. The propriely of the he do so: or, did he entertain a reasonable doubt on the ques. course must be judged of by the mover. It is expressly laid tion, he would unhesilasingly place it before the Senate lor ils down in the Lex Parliamentaria, that "the Chair is not permitadvice and determination. Entertaining, however, no such ted to draw questions of consistence within the vortex of order, doubl, the occupant of the Chair feels that he cannot, with pro-as he might ibus usurp a negative on important modifications, priety, avoid the responsibility which he sincerely regrets has and suppress instead of subserving the legislative will.” And been imposed upon him. It would be as ill-timed as improper again: " Amendments may be made so as totally to alter the for the Chair, on this occasion, 10 enter into any examination of nature of the proposition; and it is a way of getting rid of a the principles of the resolutions offered by the Senator from proposition, by making it bear a sense different fion what was Mississippi; or of the doctrines or arguments contained in the intended by the mover's, so that they vote against il themelves." paper proposed as an amendment by the Senator from Georgia. It has been contended that, if this atuendment is in order, it Waiving, ihon, all these, the Chair will come directly to the would be in the power of a Senator 10 propose to amend any examination of the question of order, presented for its decision. Spending proposition by the insertion of newspapers, books, or What is that question? As understood by the Chair, it is sim any thing else. Certainly the only limit is the sound discretion ply this: wheiher, under our rules, and in strict conformity of ibe Senator, his self-respect, and his respect for this body; with parliamentary usage, a power exists to offer an amendment but it would not be in his power to encumber our Journal with to a resolution under consideration, which is inconsistent with, such irrelevant matter but by uniting with him at least oneor destructive of, the objects which that resolution propnses to fifth of the Senate. The Chair admits that a case precisely simeffect. It I have stated it incorrectly, Senators will please to ular to this bas not occurred: still it comes within the princicorrect me. I presume I am correct. As a general power, 1 ples of the rules laid down for the government of the Senate; is had supposed there could not be found on this fluor a Senator in accordance with the usages and practice which has hereto. who would question it. Let us, then, endeavor 10 ascertain fore prevailed, and which the Chair cannot consent to be inwhat there is which will take this particular case out of the strumental in changing, on a question of order. The decision general rule. By the constitution, each House may adopt rules of the Chair is, that the amendment proposed by the Senator for its own government. Under this power, the Senate has from Georgia is in order, and must be received. It will be adopted certain rules for the regulation and control of its legis- for the Senate to sustain or reverse this decision of the Chair, lative action, but principally to protect the rights of individuals and to their juse judgment he will must cheerfully submit.
Mr. CLAYTON, Mr. PRESTON, and Mr. BIBB, took I hope, sir, that these memorialists inay escape the separt.
vere denunciation, which a member from Georgia proMr. BIBB sent the Chair the following amendment, nounced yesterday against the citizens of Baltimore.' In which he proposed to move when the amendment propo- the interior of Pennsylvania, at least, it may be hoped, sed by Mr. Clay should be called up:
that men may assemble to memorialize Congress, or to After the words “President of the United States,” in consult on the common good, without offence. The genthe second line of the amendment, strike out the residue tleman declared recent proceedings of the citizens of Balof the amendment, and insert “ be not received.”
timore to be noisy, riotous, clamorous, factious, almost Mr. POINDEXTER expressed his intention to accept treasonable. The inhabitants of the monumental city, he this modification.
thought clear gone, at least in moral treason. They will On motion of Mr. KANE, the Senate then adjourned. judge, sir, for themselves, of the justice and propriety of
giving them this character. As to Union county, sir, I THURSDAY, APRIL 24.
am informed that, when the President was elected, there
were hardly thirty votes against him. Here are now 490 UNION COUNTY (PA.) MEMORIAL.
signers to this paper, complaining, in strong terms, against Mr. WEBSTER said, he rose to present a memorial Executive conduct. Is not this proof of real suffering and from four hundred and ninety of the farmers, mechanics, real alarm? Have these freemen come out, without any and traders of the county of Union, in the State of Penn- reason whatever, against the President of their choice? sylvania. This memorial, said Mr. W., coming from the It cannot be believed. They speak because they suffer centre of a great and commanding State, and signed, as evil, and have a right to have that evil redressed.' They I believe it is, by very respectable persons, is well enti- ought to speak, and they ought to be heard; and depend tled to consideration. It cannot be supposed that it has upon it, sir, the people of the country will continue to originated in any party feeling, as I understand the coun-speak, till they shall be heard, and heard to good purpose. ty has been heretofore almost unanimous in favor of the The memorial was then read, referred to the Commitpresent Chief Magistrate. The memorialists declare that tee on Finance, and ordered to he printed. they are neither stockjobbers, speculators, nor traders on borrowed capital; that their industry is their capital; that
KENT COUNTY (DEL.) MEMORIAL. their livelihood is obtained by the labor of their hands; Mr. CLAYTON said that he had been requested by a that whatever affects the markets of Philadelphia and Bal. committee of highly respectable gentlemen, appointed timore necessarily affects them; that the price of wheat at a public meeting in the county of Kent, in the State has fallen from a dollar to seventy-five cents; that sales of Delaware, to present to the Senate certain resolutions are dull and difficult to be made, even at that price; and adopted at that meeting, the purport of which Mr. C. that the effect of this state of things, on a community proceeded to state; and also a memorial signed by 736 chiefly agricultural, cannot but be, and is, seriously dis- citizens of that county, praying the restoration of the tressing.
public deposites and the re-charter of the Bank of the They say, sir, that, for these evils, they find little con- United States. Mr. C. regretted that the late proceedsolation in being told that an experiment is going on, and ings in the Senate had prevented him from offering them that the Government is trying to get along without a bank. sooner. They have no relish for this experiment; they protest This memorial, said Mr. C., is signed by my friends against it; theyprotest against making experiments upon the and neighbors, by men, in relation to whom, of all others, happiness and prosperity of a whole people. Against this I may be permitted to speak with the greatest confidence. experiment they pray protection and relief from Congress. They will, I trust, escape the imputation of bank inThey think, sir, that, since we have got along very fluence; not a man of them all, as I believe, owns a share well with a bank, it is hardly worth while to try a dan- of stock in the Bank of the United States, or is, or ever gerous experiment for the sake of seeing whether we can was, indebted sixpence to that institution. They live in get along without it. And they use rather a forcible a section of country, the interests of which are almost exillustration. They say they walk very well on their legs, clusively agricultural, remote from the contagion of Exand, this being the case, they should be rather surprised ecutive influence, and unmoved by the scductions of if the President were to propose that they should cut off official patronage. They are the descendants of the old their legs, in order to learn whether they might not be Blues of the Revolution, and of their kindred and friends; able to walk on their hands. This memorial, sir, is trans- and are truly intelligent and patriotic freemen. Imbued mitted to me by a respectable gentleman, the son of the with the spirit of the whigs of former days, they complain late Governor Snyder, and is signed by him, and others more, much more, sir, of executive usurpation, and the of the family. The descendants of Governor Snyder are exercise of arbitrary power, than of any distress which not likely to be found advocating a cause which they do they have felt or expect to feel. Although they acknowlnot believe to be the true cause of liberty and the coun- edge that the price of their produce has greatly fallen try. They will not be found suporting either aristocra. in value by the conduct of the President in removing the cy or arbitrary power. And when, sir, will the admin deposites, and that they are suffering by that act of inistration listen to the voices of its real friends? When fatuation and folly, yet their loudest note of remonstrance will those who possess the confidence of the President, is sounded, not on their losses, but on what they justly do their duty in laying before him the tal state of the term “the arbitrary and unconstitutional exercise of country? When will they be convinced, that disordered power, subversive of the rights of Congress, and dangercurrency, destroyed confidence, and the danger of paper ous to the liberties of the people.”. money, are evils to which the industrious and intelligent Long before this, sir, they have heard the response of people of the country will not submit? Sir, let honest their Senators in Congress, expressing precisely the same industry have its earnings. Let hardy labor be made sure opinions, and almost in the same language, by their votes of its rewards. Let the Government and the laws pro- on that resolution which has recently been made the subtect the people, and the people will then cheerfully pro-ject of the President's denunciation. They will ow see, tect the Government and the laws. Such, sir, I am sure with mingled feelings of surprise and indignation, that the is the sentiment of the citizens of Union county. They same executive course which they have deprecated, is begin to learn, that though bad seasons are bad, and ball still maintained and persevered in, and that the President crops bad, yet that bad laws and bad government are has at last boldly rested his pretension to power over the worse than both.
public treasure of the nation, on the very same ground