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SENATE.]

President's Protest.

[ApuL 21, 1834.

ment.

have also the right to make that interference effective;" their hopes would rest on executive patronage, and proand it is not at all to be presumed that he rates his own motion from the Executive hand. He knew the consepowers and his own rights, in point of efficiency, lower quence of the exercise of this power; and, knowing, has than the powers and rights of this body, and that he will used it to an extent exceeding all that was ever heard or claim less for himself, when he has interfered, than he is thought of by other Presidents, or in other times. How willing to concede to them, in case they may interfere. many, Mr. President-was it five or was it six-that were Sir, this quarrel is sought without any just cause what. appointed in a single year, from this Senate, to high execeyer. All Executive power, and all his individual popu- utive offices? What numbers from the other House to larity, are to be arrayed and armed against the Senate, offices of all descriptions, high and low? It seemed to which he regards as all that now stands firmly, and that be thought glory enough to serve the President in any has the power to stand, between him and absolute uncon- station. He became, at once, every thing--the country trolled dominion.

and the people nothing. As the constitution is not amend. And the Senate does possess the power, if not to place ed, and that means of saving our legislators from corrup.; the constitution upon its ancient pillars, at least to prevent tion, and our country from * tyranny," cannot now avail its utter prostration, and total and final ruin. And first us, we, who would preserve the purity of our institutions, among the defensive weapons with which we are armed, and avert that tyranny, must resort to the only other is the power to check the abuse of executive patronage means now in our power. And I trust we will resort to which has entered into our halls of legislation, and ex- it, and adhere to it with stern inflexibility, and that, if tended itself into every section of our country, and into the President will nominate, the Senate will not confirm, all the haunts of business and of life. It has gone forth any member of Congress to any executive office what. corrupting and to corrupt. General Jackson, when a ever. I, for one, will not advise and consent to any such candidate for the high station which he now fills, saw and appointment. Another evil is worthy to be noticed and exposed the danger to which our institutions are subject-arrested, while it may. General Jackson early foresaw, ed, by this unrestrained exercise of the power of appoint- or apprehended, that Executive patronage would be

I read from his letter of resignation to the legisla- made " to bear upon the elective franchise;" and that ture of Tennessee, presented the 14th of October, 1825. evil has now come upon the country in full and unmitiIn speaking of a proposed amendment to the constitution gated virulence. Armies of office-holders, whose names of the United States, which should render members of Kill a volume, swarm in our cities, and are stationed in Congress ineligible to any executive appointment, he every town and village in our country. They compose says:

the nucleus around which the political party which sup; ** The effect of such a constitutional provision is ob- ports the present dominant power, gather, and form, and vious. By it, Congress, in a considerable degree, would rally. Others traverse the country, collect and convey be free from that connexion with the Executive depart- intelligence, and arrange and marshal the hosts, and prement, which at present gives strong ground. of jealousy pare them for action. No man can, at this day, obtain and apprehension on the part of the people. Members, an executive appointment, unless he have earned it as a instead of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating political partisan, or some friend has so earned it for him. on the great interests of the nation, through prospects of No man can retain an office unless he continues to do executive patronage, would be more liberally confided in battle in obedience to the mandates of his leader. Such by their constituents, while their vigilance would be less is the present state of things. But the Senate may check, interrupted by party feelings and party excitements. if it cannot entirely correct, this evil also. And I, for Calculations from intrigue or management would fail. one, will do all that in me lies to correct it.

I will advise Nor would their deliberations or their investigation of and consent to the appointment of no man to any office, subjects consume so much time. The morals of the who has earned that appointment in the arena as a policountry would be improved; and virtue, uniting with the tical gladiator. And I will advise and consent to the relabors of the representatives and the official ministers of appointment of no man to any responsible office, who, the law, would tend to perpetuate the honor and glory of while he held that office, abused it to the mere purposes the Government.

of party, instead of using it for the benefit of his country. “But if this change in the constitution be not obtain- When I can have proof of either of these things, clear ed, and important appointments continue to devolve and unquestionable, my course, for one, will be decisive on representatives in Congress, it requires no depth of and unvarying. We have too long heard as the ground, thought to be convinced that corruption will become the and the only successful ground, of recommendation to order of the day; and that, under the garb of conscien. office, that the applicant was devoted to the interests of tious sacrifices to the public good, evils of serious impor- one man rather than the interests of his country; that he tance to the freedom and prosperity of the republic may had rendered, and he was capable of rendering, service arise. It is through this channel the people may expect to that man, or his party, rather than to his country. At to be attacked in their constitutional sovereignty, and the same time, I would inquire into 110 man's political where tyranny may be expected to spring up in some fa- opinions or personal preferences; it is a gross abuse that vorable emergency. Against such inroads, every guard such inquiries have ever been made in appointments to ought to be interposed, and none better occurs than that office. I will be disposed to do all that is possible to of closing the suspected avenue with some necessary con- correct that abuse; and it can only be done by disappointstitutional restriciion. We know that human nature is ing the hopes of him who expects to rise by making a

We are early taught to pray that we may trade of politics. The Senate have always possessed not be led into temptation; and lience the opinion, that, these powers, but it has not always been necessary to by a constitutional provision, all avenues to temptation, on exercise them. It is only in the last resort-'tis when the part of our political servants, should be closed.” the ship drifts before wind and tide that the sheet ancbor

Good sound doctrine this, and truth, solemn truth, as is cast out to fix and save her. And it is a struggle now his subsequent conduct and the present state of our for the very existence of the constitution which is struck country verify. He saw the danger. He saw the cer-at in its last stronghold. The protest of the President, tainty that corruption would become the order of the day, which is before you, is his arrière ban, the summons to if members of Congress were subject to the temptation his powers to come up and do battle against the Senate. of executive appointment. He knew that their eyes and it is a mighty power, and that power a unit-conwould be turned to the Executive, and not to the people trolled by one head, and animated by one spirit--that is who sent them, and whom they should serve; and that larrayed against, and now pressing upon us. With us

prone to evil.

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APRIL 21, 1834. ]

President's Protest.

(SENATE.

there is division-different views, divided counsels-all Let it be remembered that the constitution gives the Pres. ansious to sustain the dignity and independence of the ident the command of the military. If you give him comSenate; but all cannot agree as to the true mode by plete power over the man with the strong box, he will which they are to be sustained. The honorable Senator bave the liberty of America under his thumb. It is easy from Alabama (Mr. King) is of opinion that true dignity to see the evil which may result. If he wants to establish rests in submission. In this he is entirely consistent. He an arbitrary authority, and finds the Secretary of Finance has always, I believe, advised and pursued the same course not inclined to second his endeavors, he has nothing more in every contest between the Executive and the Senate. to do than to remove him, and get one appointed of prinAnother honorable Senator, for whom I have great reciples more congenial with his own. Then, says he, I spect, but whom we have not yet heard on this subject have got the army; let me have but the money, and I will, i have no doubt, as heretofore, be of opinion, that will establish my throne on the ruins of your visionary the President and the Senate are both a little wrong- republic. Let 'no gentleman say I am contemplating the Senate most so; and he will, on the whole, reckon it imaginary dangers—the mere chimeras of a heated brain.” is the best for us to submit. Others, and I am one of Sir, whatever it might then seem, it was no chimera. them, think and feel, that, be the odds against us what How strictly, to the very letter, has his prediction been it may, we should stand for our constitutional rights, and verified! The powers which the constitution has placed defend and sustain them by all constitutional means. in the hands of the President, and those which, within

The protest warns us, that, if we persist, the harmony five years, he has been able to seize into his grasp, either of the relations between the President and the Senate within or without the pale of the constitution, cannot fail will be destroyed, and that it will lead to serious altera- to excite the deepest alarm in the bosom of every friend tions in the frame-work of our constitution, or “the prac. of American liberty. He has the power of the swordtical abandonment of some of its provisions.” And what, that the constitution gives him; the command of the army sir, do you suppose, are the provisions of the constitution, and the navy; but even there, to make himself more ab. in addition to those which he has disregarded and viola- solute, be has asserted and exercised doubtful and odious ted, which he now proposes practically to abandon, if the powers, if, indeed, he has not assumed unconstitutional Senate persist in thwarting his will? Dispense with the powers—the right of removing, by his own mere will, confirmation of the Senate to his appointments, by ap. any officer in the army or the navy, without a trial by pointing in the recess, and again and again so appointing, court-martial, or against the judgment of such court; I as in the case of Gwynn? Suppose, then, as would prob- deny that the constitution has vested him with any such ably be the case, we so frame the appropriation bill, power, and its assumption is against the whole spirit and that nothing could by law be paid to an officer not con- genius of our institutions. Its tendency is obvious. It firmed by the Senate? He would practically abandon makes the President superior to the law, and the officer another of the provisions of the constitution; pay his who would hesitate to obey his illegal command, must do officers without regard to the appropriations, or make it at the hazard of his own removal, and having his stathem the depositories of so much of the public treasure tion filled by one who would be more supple and obedient. as will indemnify them for delay and difficulty in procu. He has also perverted the power of appointment to a ring their salaries. If this be not his purpose, why does mere instrument of influence and corruption. I charache assert that broad claim of control over the public terize it by the strong words which he has used in his letpurse, utterly unknown, and unheard of, down to the ter of resignation. By means of that power, unless we day of the promulgation of that protest. The bold doc- impose a salutary check upon it, he may operate on memtrine that "Congress cannot take out of the hands of the bers of this and the other House of Congress, by raising Executive department the custody of the public property their hopes, exciting their fears, and bringing them as or money, without an assumption of executive power, suppliants to his feet, or to the feet of the vilest minions and a subversion of the first principles of the constitution,” who surround him, and who are supposed to influence the explanatory protest which he sent us this morning his secret councils. Abroad, throughout the various covers up and 'mystifies; but it does not retract this as- parts of the Union, be wields that power also, not for the sumption of power. The plain strong text does but benefit of the nation, of which he is the head, but for carry out to its results the lawless power which he had the purposes of party; for the purpose of sustaining and already exercised in seizing the public deposites, and perpetuating influence; and to that end the public treasholding them in his own custody. He now simply bids ures are lavished and consumed. defiance to Congress, and says, in effect, he has the He claims, too, a dispensing power over the laws; laws public purse; he has a right to it, and he will keep it. which have passed through all the solemnities of enactThe Secretary, in whose care it was placed, is now his ment, which have received the sanction of both Houses Secretary, and we can put it in the custody of no agent of Congress, and of the Executive, and even of the highwho will not at once be his agent, by virtue of his trust. est judicial tribunal of the country. He claims the right Such is the text of his protest; and the gloss which came to refuse to execute them, on the ground that he considers in to-day does not, in my opinion, retract or explain, it them as against the constitution. "He has also seized into only obscures it.

his possession and claims the sole control over the pub. As the President has, in his protest, appealed to the lic treasure, and denies that Congress can make any law, debate in 1789, on the bill for organizing the Department within the pale of the constitution, which may rescue it of Foreign Affairs, I will, while the attention of the Sen- from his hands. And he claims that by virtue of bis ate is turned to the subject, refer to the speech of a mem- oath of office, he may, and ought to enter the halls of ber from Georgia, (Mr. Jackson,] who foretold, in an legislation, especially this chamber, and preserve, protect, admirable manner, some of the consequences which have and defend the constitution against the acts of this Senate. resulted from the unfortunate admission of the power of And what have we to oppose to his accumulated power, removal, first inserted in that law. The clause which I his inroads, and his aggressions? The constitution, which read is in the 4th Elliot's Debates, pages 169, 170. is our banner, stout hearts, firm and resolute minds, and Speaking of the evil consequences of placing the power an unwavering trust in God and our country. of removal in the hands of the President, he says: “But Sir, cast back your eyes for but eight short years over let me ask gentlemen, if it be possible to place these the history of our country, and you will see by what comofficers in such a situation as to deprive them of their bination of circumstances those powers have been gathindependence and firmness? For, I'apprehend, it is not ered, and concentrated in a single hand; it is an instructintended to stop with the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. live, but mournful retrospection. But what then was the

SENATE.]

President's Protest,

[APRIL 21, 1834.

Unus multorum

situation of our country? What is it now? And what

Sed mi, infirmior sum has produced the rapid and alarming change? Within that time, strong and marked divisions, partly of princi. I do not, and I cannot, wholly deny their influence. ple, partly sectional, developed themselves in the nation,

Yet it would have required but a tinge of superstitious took strong possession of the public mind, and fixed the gloom to have drawn from that event darker forebodings attention, and absorbed the feelings of the people. Our of that which was to come. In our primitive wilds, where constitution, and the powers which it confers upon the the order of nature is unbroken by the hand of man; there, national legislature, became a subject of deep and all-per- where majestic trees arise, spread forth their branches, vading interest; the one would limit to the strict letter of live out their age, and decline; sometimes will an ancient the instrument, the other would extend, by a rational and patriarchal plant, which has stood for centuries the winds necessary intendment, those powers. The present Chief and storms, fall when no breeze agitates a leaf of the Magistrate, and those who most adhere to him, assumed trees that surround it. And when, in the calm stillness a doubtful station, now flattering the hopes, and now of a summer's noon, the solitary woodsman hears on either alarming the fears of each of the contending parties, as he hand the heavy crash of huge branchless trunks, falling seemed disposed to incline to or oppose their doctrines. by their own weight to the earth from whence they Thus the contest was encouraged and kept up with fierce- sprung, prescient of the future, he foresees the whiri. ness and violence. Public attention was fixed and cen- wind at hand, which shall sweep through the forest, break tred upon that struggle; while the Executive was (some- its strongest stems, upturn its deepest roots, and strew in times gradually, at other times by a bold and sudden the dust its tallest, proudest heads. But I am none of wrench) drawing and seizing all the powers of Govern- those who indulge in gloomy anticipation. I do not dement to himself, and even those who watched the legisla. spair of the republic. My trust is strong that the gallant tive power with the most suspicious jealousy, permitted ship, in which all our hopes are embarked, will yet outhis enormous strides to dominion for a long time to pass ride the storm; saved alike from the breakers and billows unheeded, and without censure. Heavily did the vessel of disunion, and the greedy whirlpool-the all-ingulfing of state labor in her onward course, under this various maelstrom of executive power—that unbroken, if not pressure:

unbarmed, she may pursue her prosperous voyage far “ Harder beset,

down the stream of time; and that the banner of our counAnd more endanger'd, than when Argo pass 'd

try, which now waves over us so proudly, will still float Through Bosphorus, bet wixt the jutting rocks; Or when Ulysses, on the larboard slunn'd

in triumph, borne on the winds of Heaven, fanned by the Charybdis, and by the other whirlpool sicer'd." breath of fame, every stripe bright and unsullied, every Still, she has thus far won her way, amid the fighting star fixed in its sphere, ages after each of us now here elements; but the rocks, and shoals, and whirlpools, are shall have ceased to gaze on its majestic folds forever. not yet passed, and no quiet haven is in sight. We have

When Mr. Ewing had concluded Jong seen and felt the clownward tendency of things, but

Mr. KANE obtained the floor, but gave way to coull scarcely poise ourselves in calmness to resist or

Mr. WILKINS, who said he would move, if there was check its motion; for so rapid has been the torrent which no indisposition on the part of gentlemen to take up the dashes and rolls us onward, that the head becomes giddy, business connected with the foreign relations of the coun. and the mind bewildered, and the eye dim, as we gaze try, which he had mentioned before, that, for that purupon the billows which rush and foam asound us. pose, the Senate go into Executive session.

Sir, our republic has long been a theme of speculation Mr. POINDEXTER would prefer the postponement of among the savans of Europe. They profess to have cast Executive business until to-morrow. its horoscope, and fifty years were fixed upon by many

Mr. CALHOUN hoped the motion of the honorable as the utmost limit of its duration. But those years passed gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Wilkins,] would preby, and beheld us a united and a happy people; our politi- vail, and that it would be acted upon. cal atmosphere agitated by no storm, and scarcely a cloud Mr. CLAYTON did not perceive the necessity of going to obscure the serenity of our horizon-all of the present, into Executive business. was prosperity; all of the future, hope. True, upon the

The question was then taken upon Mr. Wilkins's day of that anniversary two venerated fathers of our free. motion, when there appeared-ayes 18, noes 20. dom and of our country fell; but they sunk calmly to rest,

So the Senate refused to go into Executive session. in the maturity of years and in the fulness of time; and

Mr. FORSYTH offered an amendment to the first resotheir simultaneous departure on that day of jubilee, for lution proposed by Mr. Poindexter, which was, after the another and a better would, was hailed by our nation as a words “ 17th instant,” to insert "in the following words:” propitious sign, sent to us from Heaven. 'Wandering the and then to recite the whole of the message of the Presi. other day in the alcoves of the library, I accidentally dent; and, in the third resolution, to insert after the words opened a volume containing the orations delivered by with the declaration that accompanied it”-"containing many distinguished men on that solemn occasion, and 1 the following words," and then to recite the whole of that noted some expressions of a few who now sit in this hall, declaration. which are deep fraught with the then prevailing, I may

Mr. POINDEXTER said, be understood the effect of say universal, feeling. It is inquired by one, “ Is this the the amendment would be to destroy the resolutions. The effect of accident or blind chance? or has that God, who object was to get the messages on the Journals. holds in his hands the destiny of nations and of men,

Mr. LEIGH inquired if such was the object, and was designed these things as an evidence of the permanence answered in the affirmative. and perpetuity of our institutions?". Another says,

Mr. BIBB rose on a point of order. He was not one it not stamped with the seal of Divinity ?" And a third, of those men who had much knowledge of points of descanting on the prospects bright and glorious which order; but as the amendment was totally inconsistent with opened on our beloved country, says, “ Auspicious omens the original proposition, for the avowed object of the cheer us."

mover was to destroy the resolutions, he thought it could Strong spirits, (I use the term in the sense in which the not be in order. French academicians use it, les forts esprits,) strong spirits

The CHAIR could not conceive that there was any may sneer at these impressions, which are the offspring question of order.. The paper was in possession of the of feeling rather than of reason, and which resolve them- Clerk, and at the disposal of the Senate. selves into no philosophical connexion of cause and conse

Mr. CALHOUN considered this a very novel case; and quence:

it appeared to him that it involved a point of order. The

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APRIL 21, 1834.]

President's Protest.

(SENATE.

object of all rules, was to carry into effect the intention of into effect, the honorable Senator might withdraw his the body; and here the very point at issue was, whether amendment, pocket the document, and walk out of the the papers of the President should go on the Journals. Senate. The procedure of the honorable Senator was no This amendment, therefore, must be out of order. The reduction of his views to writing. He (Mr. W.) thought question was, whether an individual inember could thus time ought to be allowed the honorable Senator; but if the put aside the intention of the Senate.

Senate did not choose to grant time, there was no remedy. Mr. FORSYTH did not understand the point of ob- The honorable Senator bad no right to take up the docujection. His object was to incorporate the message with ment from the table of the Senate, and offer it as his the resolutions, that its true character might be seen. motion.

Mr. SPRAGUE said, when the paper was read to the Mr. PRESTON said, it was remarkable to see one docSenate, he noticed that the President called the Secreta- Jument answer so many purposes. It was in the first place ries his Secretaries, not only once, but repeatedly, where sent to the Senate as a protest, and then published to the as, in the printed copy, this expression was used but once. nation as a proclamation of the President. It was a proBy examining the original, he had found his in ink, and test to the Senate one day, in one shape, and the next the in pencil, over it. He would ask which was the true day, in another shape. Even while the Senate was disreading, and which was to be incorporated in this motion.cussing it in one form, it assumed another through the

Mr. CALHOUN said, the rule required that every mo- medium of the President's private Secretary; This was tion should be given in writing; and he requested that the second time that papers had been altered, after they this motion should be put in writing, in all its parts. had been placed in the possession of the Senate.

On a Mr. FORSYTH would reduce it to writing, when he former occasion he had said that this tampering with pahad an opportunity.

pers was a very improper and dangerous practice, was The SECRETARY explained in regard to the alterations much to be avoided." A protest was sent to the Senate by made in the message. The next morning after the mes- the President, and when it was found that it contained sage was sent in, the President's private Secretary had some passages likely to rouse the indignation of the people told him of two or three verbal errors, of which hiš Sec- by the despotic disposition which they indicated, the priretary was one. He had informed him, that as the mes- vate Secretary was sent down to alter the document, and sage had been read, he could permit no amendment, but make it more palatable. Thus altered, 40,000 copies he had himself inserted the corrections in pencil, for the were distributed to the people. He had said this morning mere purpose of reference.

that he rejoiced to see the President beginning a luminous Mr. WEBSTER called for the other corrections, and commentary on the text he had sent to the Senate; he did the Secretary read a number of instances, in which ex- not expect, however, that the text would have been pression was substituted for admission, removing for con- touched. They had now before them a new text. The trolling, exercise for examine, &c.

document had been interfered with while it was in the Mr. CLAY wished to know at what time these correc possession of the Senate, and they were engaged in distions were made.

cussing it. The SECRETARY said, On Friday morning:

The particular points to which Senators had objected Mr. CLAY requested that the Senate might know, and had been removed. The paper had originally stalked the country, that on Friday morning, after the paper had in tragic boots, and with a haughty mien; but now, throwbeen commented on, after my Secretary had been repeat-ing aside the sock and gown, it came forward under the edly pronounced by the President, this alteration had been comic face of an amendment. Suppose the Senator from attempted.

Georgia, now that the Chair had decided that his motion There was another thing to be observed and remember- was in order, chooses to withdraw his amendment, to ed: any man must perceive that transforming the papers whom would the document then belong. The use to could not have been rendered necessary by the mistakes which the paper was attempted to be put, was cerof a clerk; no clerk could mistake his for the, and no clerk tainly not a proper one; it could not be made to ancould commit the other mistakes, such as money for prop-swer so many purposes. The protest of the President erty, &c.

was now brought forward as an amendment.

« To Mr. C. hoped the Secretary would not insert any more what vile uses may we come at last: the dust of Alexpencil marks. The paper proved that the attempt itself ander may stop a bung-hole.” There was another point was another instance of Executive encroachment. What! of order. The amendment was in direct contradiction to after a paper bad been printed and commented on, might the original motion. Common sense taught, that such an the President send his private Secretary to alter it? But amendment could not be received. it showed the spirit of the times, and it showed but too Mr. CALHOUN said he should be disposed to withstrongly the spirit of the man.

draw his motion, if the Senator from Georgia would withMr. PORSYTH now began to reduce his amendment to draw his amendment, and return it to the Executive. writing

That, Mr. C. said he thought would be the best disposiMr. WEBSTER said, that while the gentleman was en- tion of it. gaged in that agreeable operation, he wished to say that Mr. FORSYTH called for the ayes and noes upon his the account given by the Secretary should be reduced to motion, and read a rule of the Senate to show that it was writing

perfectly in order. Mr. FORSYTH brought to the Chair the first part of If, he said, he were disposed to be critical, he might his amendment, in his own writing, and the original Ex- say, that gentlemen sought to deprive him of his right ecutive manifesto, as the remainder of it.

to have this resolution put upon the Journal. Mr. POINDEXTER objected to that form of the amend. Every necessary purpose was answered by the course ment, by taking the document itself.

he had pursued. What would be their situation if a SenaThe CHAIR said, it was not necessary for him to reduce tor was to be deprived of his right to make an amendthe whole to writing; printed, or other parts, might be in- ment, by a mere question of order. Three or four hours corporated.

would be necessary to make a copy of the document, Mr. CALHOUN appealed from the decision of the and in the mean time a vote might be taken, and he Chair.

would thus be deprived of one of his most sacred rights Mr. WEBSTER said, there appeared to him to be a as a Senator of the United States. The question was now concord of ingenuity between the chair and the gentle whether his motion should be received. Honorable genman from Georgia. If the course proposed was carried lilemen made use of the document in question to condemn

SENATE.]

President's Protest. --Albany Memorial.-—Adams (Mass.) Memorial.

[APRIL 22, 1834.

ence.

the President, and he, Mr. F., was not to be permitted to of names, attached to one copy of the memorial, had been make use of it as an amendment. With regard to the left out of the package which bad been handed to me. alterations which had been made, he begged to say that They have lost no time in forwarding this omitted list, the paper had not been received by the Senate, and, un- and I now hold it in my hand, to be presented to the Sentil that was done, the President had a right to alter it. ate, and added to the others. To be sure against further But what were the alterations? Did the President shrink error, I have asked an officer of the Senate to have from any thing he had previously said? If he did, let these additional names counted, and he certifies them to him be condemned, but not otherwise. The President's amount to 1,485. Here they are, sir-the original signacharacter was too well known for any one to believe bim tures--and here comes with them a regular affidavit, veriguilty of such conduct. The words “his Secretary,”|fying the paper, and accounting for the omission. This were still retained; he, Mr. F., wished to know if any makes up, sir, the number as originally stated; and I hope alteration had taken place in substance.

will be satisfactory. If it should not be, and if it would Mr. SPRAGUE called for the reading of the document give gentlemen any gratification to receive an additional in its original and in its altered state.

500 or 1,000 names, I imagine little pains would be Mr. KANE asked if any alteration bad been really necessary to furnish them that gratification. made?

Mr. President, in one of those unrivalled speeches of The SECRETARY replied in the negative. He had mere- Mr. Burke, in which he indulged his admiration of Amerily inserted the words in pencil for the purpose of refer- ca, he says, when speaking of the growth of our popula

The Secretary then read those parts of the paper tion, “Whether I put the present numbers too high, or in which alterations had been made, and showed what the too low, is a matter of little moment. Such is the alterations were.

strength with which population shoots in that part of the Mr. LEIGH wished to understand what was the object worll, that, state the numbers as high as we will, while of the Senate. He understood the question now to be the dispute continues, the exaggeration ends. While we on an appeal from the decision of the Chair, that it was are discussing any given magnitude, they are grown in order for the gentleman from Georgia, to take a docu- to it.” ment from the Senate and to submit it to the Chair in Sir, a similar sentiment would be just in regard to the form of writing, that his motion might be in order. the numbers among our fellow.citizens, who are rallying Was that the question?

to oppose the recent measures of Government. State The CHAIR said that the rule existed, although it was the numbers as we will, if the statement be not true tonot usually acted upon. He supposed the intention of day, it will yet probably be true to-morrow. the rule to be, that the resolution might be generally un Mr. WRIGHT rose to move the printing of the names. derstood; and he imagined, that taking the document from He added, that the Senate would do him the credit to the table would answer that purpose.

say, that he had expressed his belief that there was some Mr. LEIGH said, if the object had not been distinctly mistake about the matter. He moved that these names avowed by the gentleman from Georgia to be, to compel be printed. the Senate to do what it might object to do, he would not Mr. WEBSTER expressed his wish that the names have made any remarks on the subject. But from the might be printed. He would do the justice 10 the honormanner in which the Chair had acted, it seemed to him able member to say, that he understood him to have exas if the Chair claimed similar power over that body to that pressed himself as he had stated. which the President of the United States claimed over the The paper was then referred, and the names ordered public money

to be printed. The question was, which paper should be received; and the main question was, which should be spread over

ADAMS (MASS.) MEMORIAL. the Journals of the Senate. The majority was against it, Mr. WEBSTER said he had to present to the Senate and the object of the gentleman from Georgia was, that the a memorial from the farmers, manufacturers, mechanics, Senate should be openly accused. The question with and traders of the town of Adams, in the county of him was, whether the motion was in order. He would Berkshire, in Massachusetts. These memorialists comvote that it be not received; or, in other words, that he plain of the injurious effects of the recent measures of [Mr. Forsyth) shall not have it in his power to do that Government on their business and means of living. which the Senate had determined not to do. He would Twelve hundred persons, they state, have been engaged not profess to be well informed on the subject; but he in manufacturing, in that township, having entered into would vote against the motion.

those pursuits under the encouragement of Government, Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN then moved an adjournment, and assurances of its protection. That, in the midst of which, after a little opposition, was carried.

prosperity, their career has been suddenly arrested; some And the Senate adjourned.

of the establishments have been obliged to stop, and

others to dismiss their hands, more or less, and many TUESDAY, APRIL 22.

individnals have fallen into great want and great distress.

These memorialists aver, sir, that that is true, which I ALBANY MEMORIAL.

have more than once predicted would soon be found Mr. WEBSTER rose and said, it would be remember- true; and that is, that the measures of the alministration ed that not long before he left his seat, on leave of ab- tend to make some of the rich richer, and all the poor sence he had had the honor of presenting a memorial poorer; and all, they say, of whatever tongue or kindred, from citizens of Albany, complaining of recent measures who have foreign capital at command, enjoy advantages of Government, He had been authorized on that occa-lover American industry and perseverance. As Amerision to state, and had stated, that the number of signers cans, then, they address themselves to Congress: they was twenty-eight hundred, or thereabouts. I soon after say to Congress, “restore the currency, restore the consaw, said Mr. W., that this statement was denied, and that fidence of the people, restore the character and credit of no more than thirteen or fourteen hundred names were to the nation, restore our prosperity and happiness. One be found to the papers. The bonorable member from act of yours can do all this." New York, (Mr. WRIGHT,) I believe himself alluded to Sir, as one of the representatives of the people of this apparent deficiency. So soon, sir, as these observa- North Adams, I respond to them, by saying, that, so far as tions reached the memorialists, tbey inquired into the depends on my efforts here, and on those of my col. cause of the mistake, and they found that one long roll league, and on those of their own able and excellent rep.

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