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aright unto God. No man cometh unto God to offer him sacrifice, to pour out supplications and prayers before him, or to do him any service, which doth not first believe him both to be, and to be a rewarder of them who in such sort seek unto him. Let men be taught this, either by revelation from heaven, or by instruction upon earth; by labour, study, and meditation, or by the only secret inspiration of the Holy Ghost; whatsoever the mean be they know it by, if the knowledge thereof were possible without discourse of natural reason, why should none be found capable thereof but only men; nor men till such time as they come unto ripe and full ability to work by reasonable understanding? The whole drift of the Scripture of God, what is it, but only to teach theology? Theology, what is it, but the science of things divine? What science can be attained unto, without the help of natural discourse and reason? Judge you of that which I speak, saith the apostle. In vain it were to speak anything of God, but that by reason men are able somewhat to judge of that they hear, and by dis-raising up of men's hearts, and the sweetening of their course to discern how consonant it is to truth. Scripture, indeed, teacheth things above nature, things which our reason by itself could not reach unto. Yet those also we believe, knowing by reason that the Scripture is the word of God. The thing we have handled according to the question moved about it, which question is, whether the light of reason be so pernicious, that, in devising laws for the church, men ought not by it to search what may be fit and convenient? For this cause, therefore, we have endeavoured to make it appear, how, in the nature of reason itself, there is no impediment, but that the self-same spirit which revealeth the things that God hath set down in his law, may also be thought to aid and direct men in finding out, by the light of reason, what laws are expedient to be made for the guiding of his church, over and besides them that are in Scripture.

*

[Church Music.]

Touching musical harmony, whether by instrument or by voice, it being but of high and low in sounds a due proportionable disposition, such notwithstanding is the force thereof, and so pleasing effects it hath in that very part of man which is most divine, that some have been thereby induced to think that the soul itself by nature is, or hath in it, harmony; a thing which delighteth all ages, and beseemeth all states; a thing as seasonable in grief as in joy; as decent, being added unto actions of greatest weight and solemnity, as being used when men most sequester themselves from action. The reason hereof is an admirable facility which music hath to express and represent to the mind, more inwardly than any other sensible mean, the very standing, rising, and falling, the very steps and inflections every way, the turns and varieties of all passions whereunto the mind is subject; yea, so to imitate them, that, whether it resemble unto us the same state wherein our minds already are, or a clean contrary, we are not more contentedly by the one confirmed, than changed and led away by the other. In harmony, the very image and character even of virtue and vice is perceived, the mind delighted with their resemblances, and brought by having them often iterated into a love of the things themselves. For which cause there is nothing more contagious and pestilent than some kinds of harmony; than some, nothing more strong and potent unto good. And that there is such a difference of one kind from another, we need no proof but our own experience, inasmuch as we are at the hearing of some more inclined unto sorrow and heaviness, of some more mollified and softened in mind; one kind apter to stay and settle us, another to move and stir our affections; there is that draweth to a marvellous grave and sober mediocrity; there is

also that carrieth, as it were, into ecstacies, filling the mind with a heavenly joy, and for the time in a manner severing it from the body; so that, although we lay altogether aside the consideration of ditty or matter, the very harmony of sounds being framed in due sort, and carried from the ear to the spiritual faculties of our souls, is, by a native puissance and efficacy, greatly available to bring to a perfect temper whatsoever is there troubled; apt as well to quicken the spirits as to allay that which is too eager; sovereign against melancholy and despair; forcible to draw forth tears of devotion, if the mind be such as can yield them; able both to move and to moderate all affections. The prophet David having, therefore, singular knowledge, not in poetry alone, but in music also, judged them both to be things most necessary for the house of God, left behind him to that purpose a number of divinely-indited poems, and was further the author of adding unto poetry melody in public prayer; melody, both vocal and instrumental, for the affections towards God. In which considerations the church of Christ doth likewise at this present day retain it as an ornament to God's service, and an help to our own devotion. They which, under pretence of the law ceremonial abrogated, require the abrogation of instrumental music, approving, nevertheless, the use of vocal melody to remain, must show some reason wherefore the one should be thought a legal ceremony, and not the other. In church music, curiosity or ostentation of art, wanton, or light, or unsuitable harmony, such as only pleaseth the ear, and doth not naturally serve to the very kind and degree of those impressions which the matter that goeth with it leaveth, or is apt to leave, in men's minds, doth rather blemish and disgrace that we do, than add either beauty or furtherance unto it. On the other side, the faults prevented, the force and efficacy of the thing itself, when it drowneth not utterly, but fitly suiteth with matter altogether sounding to the praise of God, is in truth most admirable, and doth much edify, if not the understanding, because it teacheth not, yet surely the affection, because therein it worketh much. They must have hearts very dry and tough, from whom the melody of the psalms doth not sometime draw that wherein a mind religiously affected delighteth.

LORD BACON.

But the fame of Hooker, as indeed of all his contemporaries, is outshone by that of the illustrious LORD BACON. Francis Bacon, son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, lord-keeper of the great seal, was born in London on the 22d of January 1561, and in childhood displayed such vivacity of intellect and sedateness of behaviour, that Queen Elizabeth used to call him her young lord-keeper. At the age of thirteen, he was sent to Cambridge, where, so early as his sixteenth year, he became disgusted with the Aristotelian philosophy, which then held unquestioned sway in the great English schools of learning. This dislike of the philosophy of Aristotle, as Bacon himself declared to his secretary Dr Rawley, he fell into 'not for the worthlessness of the author, to whom he would ever ascribe all high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of the way; being a philosophy, as his lordship used to say, only strong for disputations and contentions, but barren of the production of works for the benefit of the life of man. After spending about four years at Cambridge, he travelled in France, his acute observations in which country were afterwards published in a work entitled Of the State of Europe. By the sudden death of his father in 1579, he was compelled to return hastily to England, and engage

*Rawley's Life of Bacon.

in some profitable occupation. After in vain soliciting his uncle, Lord Burleigh, to procure for him such a provision from government as might allow him to devote his time to literature and philosophy, he spent several years in the study of the law. While engaged in practice as a barrister, however, he did not forget philosophy, as it appears that he

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Bacon was in some measure led by pecuniary difficulties, into which his improvident and ostentatious habits, coupled with the relative inadequacy of his revenues, had plunged him. By maintaining himself in the good graces of the court, he hoped to secure that professional advancement which would not only fill his empty coffers, but gratify those ambitions longings which had arisen in his mind. But temptations of this sort, though they may palliate, can never excuse such immoralities as those which Bacon on this and future occasions showed himself capable of.

After the accession of James, the fortunes of Bacon began to improve. He was knighted in 1603, and, in subsequent years, obtained successively the offices of king's counsel, solicitor-general, judge of the Marshalsea court, and attorney-general. This last appointment he received in 1613. In the execu tion of his duties, he did not scruple to lend himself to the most arbitrary measures of the court, and even assisted in an attempt to extort from an old clergyman, of the name of Peacham, a confession of treason, by torturing him on the rack.

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Although his income had now been greatly enlarged by the emoluments of office and a marriage with the daughter of a wealthy alderman, his extravagance, and that of his servants, which he seems to have been too good-natured to check, continued to keep him in difficulties. He cringed before the king and his favourite Villiers; and at length, in 1619, reached the summit of his ambition, by being created Lord High Chancellor of England, and Baron Verulam. This latter title gave place in the following year to that of Viscount St Albans. As chancellor, it cannot be concealed that, both in his political and judicial capacities, he grossly deserted his duty. Not only did he suffer Villiers to intersketched at an early period of life his great work fere with his decisions as a judge, but, by accepting called The Instauration of the Sciences. In 1590, he numerous presents or bribes from suitors, gave obtained the post of Counsel Extraordinary to the occasion, in 1621, to a parliamentary inquiry, queen; and three years afterwards, sat in parliament which ended in his condemnation and disgrace. He for the county of Middlesex. As an orator, he is fully confessed the twenty-three articles of corhighly extolled by Ben Jonson. In one of his ruption which were laid to his charge; and when speeches, he distinguished himself by taking the waited on by a committee of the House of Lords, popular side in a question respecting some large sub-appointed to inquire whether the confession was sidies demanded by the court; but finding that he subscribed by himself, he answered, 'It is my act, had given great offence to her majesty, he at once my hand, my heart: I beseech your lordships to be altered his tone, and condescended to apologise with merciful to a broken reed.' Banished from public that servility which unhappily appeared in too many life, he had now ample leisure to attend to his philoof his subsequent actions. To Lord Burleigh and sophical and literary pursuits. Yet, even while his son Robert Cecil, Bacon continued to crouch in he was engaged in business, these had not been the hope of advancement, till at length, finding neglected. In 1597, he published the first edition of himself disappointed in that quarter, he attached his Essays, which were afterwards greatly enlarged. himself to Burleigh's rival, Essex, who, with the These, as he himself says of them, come home to utmost ardour of a generous friendship, endeavoured men's business and bosoms; and, like the late new to procure for him, in 1594, the vacant office of halfpence, the pieces are small, and the silver is attorney-general. In this attempt he was defeated, good.' From the generally interesting nature of the through the influence of the Cecils, who were jealous subjects of the Essays,' and the excellence of their of both him and his friend; but he in some de- style, this work immediately acquired great popugree soothed Bacon's disappointment by presenting to larity, and to the present day continues the most him an estate at Twickenham, worth two thousand generally read of all the author's productions. 'It pounds. It is painful to relate in what manner is also,' to use the words of Mr Dugald Stewart, Bacon repaid such benefits. When Essex was brought one of those where the superiority of his genius to trial for a conspiracy against the queen, the friend appears to the greatest advantage, the novelty and whom he had so largely obliged and confided in, not depth of his reflections often receiving a strong relief only deserted him in the hour of need, but unneces- from the triteness of his subject. It may be read sarily appeared as counsel against him, and by every from beginning to end in a few hours, and yet, after art and distorting ingenuity of a pleader, endeavoured the twentieth perusal, one seldom fails to remark in to magnify his crimes. He complied, moreover, it something overlooked before. This, indeed, is a after the earl's execution, with the queen's request characteristic of all Bacon's writings, and is only to that he would write A Declaration of the Practices be accounted for by the inexhaustible aliment they and Treasons Attempted and Committed by Robert, Earl furnish to our own thoughts, and the sympathetic of Essex, which was printed by authority. Into activity they impart to our torpid faculties."* In this conduct, which indicates a lamentable want of *First Preliminary Dissertation to Encyclopædia Britan high moral principle, courage, and self-respect, nica,' p. 36, seventh edition.

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1605, he published another work, which still continues to be extensively perused; it is entitled Of the Proficience and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human. This volume, which was afterwards enlarged and published in the Latin language, with the title De Augmentis Scientiarum, constitutes the first part of his great work called Instauratio Scientiarum, or the Instauration of the Sciences. The second part, entitled Novum Organum, is that on which, chiefly, his high reputation as a philosopher is grounded, and on the composition of which he bestowed most labour. It is written in Latin, and appeared in 1620. In the first part of the Advancement of Learning, after considering the excellence of knowledge and the means of disseminating it, together with wat had already been done for its advancement, and what omitted, he proceeds to divide it into the three branches of history, poetry, and philosophy; these having reference to what he considers the three parts of man's understanding' memory, imagination, and reason. The concluding portion of the volume relates to revealed religion. The Novum Organum,' which, as already mentioned, is the second and most important part of the Instauration of the Sciences,' consists of aphorisms, the first of which furnishes a key to the author's leading doctrines: Man, who is the servant and interpreter of nature, can act and understand no further than he has, either in operation or in contemplation, observed of the method and order of nature.' His new method-novum organum-of employing the understanding in adding to human knowledge, is fully expounded in this work, the following translated extracts from which will make manifest what the reformation was which he sought to accomplish.

After alluding to the little aid which the useful arts had derived from science, and the small improvement which science had received from practical men, he proceeds- But whence can arise such vagueness and sterility in all the physical systems which have hitherto existed in the world? It is not certainly from anything in nature itself; for the steadiness and regularity of the laws by which it is governed, clearly mark them out as objects of certain and precise knowledge. Neither can it arise from any want of ability in those who have pursued such inquiries, many of whom have been men of the highest talent and genius of the ages in which they lived; and it can therefore arise from nothing else but the perverseness and insufficiency of the methods that have been pursued. Men have sought to make a world from their own conceptions, and to draw from their own minds all the materials which they employed; but if, instead of doing so, they had consulted experience and observation, they would have had facts, and not opinions, to reason about, and might have ultimately arrived at the knowledge of the laws which govern the material world.' As things are at present conducted, a sudden transition is made from sensible objects and particular facts to general propositions, which are accounted principles, and round which, as round so many fixed poles, disputation and argument continually revolve. From the propositions thus hastily assumed, all things are derived, by a process compendious and precipitate, ill suited to discovery, but wonderfully accommodated to debate. The way that promises success is the reverse of this. It requires that we should generalise slowly, going from particular things to those which are but one step more general; from those to others of still greater extent, and so on to such as are universal. By such means we may hope to arrive at principles, not vague and obscure, but luminous and well-defined, such as nature herself will not refuse to acknowledge.' After describing the causes which

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lead the understanding astray in the search after knowledge-the idols, as he figuratively terms them, before which it is apt to bow-Bacon, in the second book of the 'Novum Organum,' goes on systematically to expound and exemplify his method of philosophising, indicated in the foregoing extracts, and to which the appellation of the inductive method is applied. This he does in so masterly a way, that he has earned with posterity the title of the father of experimental science. The power and compass,' says Professor Playfair, of a mind which could form such a plan beforehand, and trace not merely the outline, but many of the most minute ramifications, of sciences which did not yet exist, must be an object of admiration to all succeeding ages.' It is true that the inductive method had been both practised and even cursorily recommended by more than one philosopher prior to Bacon; but unquestionably he was the first to unfold it completely, to show its infinite importance, and to induce the great body of scientific inquirers to place themselves under its guidance. In another respect, the benefit conferred by Bacon upon mankind was perhaps still greater. He turned the attention of philosophers from speculations and disputes upon questions remote from use, and fixed it upon inquiries 'productive of works for the benefit of the life of man.' The Aristotelian philosophy was barren; the object of Bacon was the amplification of the power and kingdom of mankind over the world'-'the enlargement of the bounds of human empire to the effecting all things possible'-the augmentation, by means of science, of the sum of human happiness, and the alleviation of human suffering. In a word, he was eminently a utilitarian.

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The third part of the 'Instauration of the Sciences,' entitled Sylva Sylvarum, or History of Nature, is devoted to the facts and phenomena of natural science, including original observations made by Bacon himself, which, though sometimes incorrect, are useful in exemplifying the inductive method of searching for truth. The fourth part is called Scala Intellectus, from its pointing out a succession of steps by which the understanding may ascend in such investigations. Other two parts, which the author projected, were never executed.

Another celebrated publication of Lord Bacon is his treatise, Of the Wisdom of the Ancients, 1610; wherein he attempts, generally with more ingenuity than success, to discover secret meanings in the mythological fables of antiquity. He wrote also Felicities of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, a History of King Henry VII., a philosophical romance called the New Atlantis, and several minor productions which it is needless to specify. His letters, too, have been published.

After retiring from public life, Bacon, though enjoying an annual income of £2500, continued to live in so ostentatious and prodigal a style, that, at his death, in 1626, his debts amounted to upwards of £22,000. His devotion to science appears to have been the immediate occasion of bringing his earthly existence to a close. While travelling in his carriage at a time when there was snow on the ground, he began to consider whether flesh might not be preserved by snow as well as by salt. In order to make the experiment, he alighted at a cottage near Highgate, bought a hen, and stuffed it with snow. This so chilled him, that he was unable to return home, but went to the Earl of Arundel's house in the neighbourhood, where his illness was so much increased by the dampness of a bed into which he was put, that he died in a few days.* In a letter to the earl, the last

*This account is given by Aubrey, who probably obtained it from Hobbes, one of Bacon's intimate friends, and afterwards an acquaintance of Aubrey.-See' Aubrey's Lives of Eminent

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Monument of Lord Bacon.

ing strikingly prophetic passage is found: My name and memory I leave to foreign nations, and to mine own country after some time is passed over.'

which men have accustomed likewise to beautify and adorn with accomplishments of magnificence and state, as well as of use and necessity; so knowledge, whether it descend from divine inspiration or spring from human sense, would soon perish and vanish to oblivion, if it were not preserved in books, traditions, conferences, and places appointed, as universities, colleges, and schools, for the receipt and comforting

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the same.

[Libraries.]

Libraries are as the shrines where all the relics of the ancient saints, full of true virtue, and that without delusion or imposture, are preserved and reposed.

[Government.]

In Orpheus's theatre, all beasts and birds assembled ; and, forgetting their several appetites, some of prey, some of game, some of quarrel, stood all sociably together, listening unto the airs and accords of the harp; the sound whereof no sooner ceased, or was drowned by some louder noise, but every beast returned to his own nature; wherein is aptly described the nature and condition of men, who are full of savage and unreclaimed desires of profit, of lust, of revenge: which, as long as they give ear to precepts, to laws, to religion, sweetly touched with eloquence and persuasion of books, of sermons, of harangues, so long is society and peace maintained; but if these instruments be silent, or sedition and tumult make them not audible, all things dissolve into anarchy and confusion.

[Prosperity and Adversity.]

The virtue of prosperity is temperance; the virtue of adversity is fortitude. Prosperity is the blessing of the Old Testament; adversity is the blessing of the New, which carrieth the greater benediction and the clearer revelation of God's favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you listen to David's harp, you Bacon, like Sidney, was a 'warbler of poetic prose.' shall hear as many hearselike airs as carols; and the No English writer has surpassed him in fervour and pencil of the Holy Ghost hath laboured more in debrilliancy of style, in force of expression, or in rich-scribing the afflictions of Job than the felicities of ness and significance of imagery. Keen in dis- Solomon. Prosperity is not without many fears and covering analogies where no resemblance is apparent distastes; and adversity is not without comforts and to common eyes, he has sometimes indulged to hopes. We see in needle-works and embroideries, it excess in the exercise of his talent. Yet, in general, is more pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and his comparisons are not less clear and apposite than solemn ground, than to have a dark and melancholy full of imagination and meaning. He has treated of work upon a lightsome ground; judge therefore of the philosophy with all the splendour, yet none of the pleasure of the heart by the pleasure of the eye. Cervagueness, of poetry, Sometimes his style possesses tainly, virtue is like precious odours, most fragrant a degree of conciseness very rarely to be found in the where they are incensed or crushed: for prosperity compositions of the Elizabethan age. Of this qua- doth best discover vice, but adversity doth best dislity the last of the subjoined extracts is a notable cover virtue. illustration.

[Universities.]

As water, whether it be the dew of heaven or the springs of the earth, doth scatter and lose itself in the ground, except it be collected into some receptacle, where it may by union comfort and sustain itself; and, for that cause, the industry of man hath framed and made spring-heads, conduits, cisterns, and pools;

Persons,' ii. 227. At pages 222 and 602 of the same volume, we learn that Hobbes was a favourite with Bacon, who was wont to have him walk with him in his delicate groves, when he did meditate: and when a notion darted into his lordship's mind, Mr Hobbes was presently to write it down, and his lordship was wont to say that he did it better than any one else about him; for that many times, when he read their notes, he scarce understood what they writ, because they understood it not clearly themselves.' He assisted his lordship in translating

several of his essays into Latin.'

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[Friendship.]

It had been hard for him that spake it, to have put in that speech, Whosoever is delighted in solitude, more truth and untruth together in few words, than is either a wild beast or a god;' for it is most true, that a natural and secret hatred and aversion towards society, in any man, hath somewhat of the savage beast; but it is most untrue, that it should have any character at all of the divine nature, except it proceed, not out of a pleasure in solitude, but out of a love and desire to sequester a man's self for a higher conversation: such as is found to have been falsely and feignedly in some of the heathens-as Epimenides, the Candian; Numa, the Roman; Empedocles, the Sicilian; and Apollonius, of Tyana; and truly, and really, in divers of the ancient hermits and holy fathers of the church. But little do men perceive what solitude is, and how far it extendeth ; for a crowd is not company, and faces are but a gallery of pictures, and

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talk but a tinkling cymbal where there is no love. The Latin adage meeteth with it a little : Magna civitas, magna solitudo'-[' Great city, great solitude']; because in a great town friends are scattered, so that there is not that fellowship, for the most part, which is in less neighbourhoods; but we may go farther, and affirm most truly, that it is a mere and miserable solitude to want true friends, without which the world is but a wilderness; and, even in this scene also of solitude, whosoever, in the frame of his nature and affections, is unfit for friendship, he taketh it of the beast, and not from humanity.

dulleth any violent impression-and even so is it of minds.

The second fruit of friendship is healthful and sovereign for the understanding, as the first is for the affections; for friendship maketh indeed a fair day in the affections from storm and tempests, but it maketh daylight in the understanding, out of dark ness and confusion of thoughts. Neither is this to be understood only of faithful counsel, which a man receiveth from his friend; but before you come to that, certain it is, that whosoever hath his mind fraught with many thoughts, his wits and understandA principal fruit of friendship is the ease and dis- ing do clarify and break up, in the communicating charge of the fulness of the heart, which passions of and discoursing with another: he tosseth his thoughts all kinds do cause and induce. We know diseases of more easily-he marshalleth them more orderly-he stoppings and suffocations are the most dangerous in seeth how they look when they are turned into words the body, and it is not much otherwise in the mind-finally, he waxeth wiser than himself; and that you may take sarza to open the liver, steel to open the more by an hour's discourse than by a day's medispleen, flour of sulphur for the lungs, castoreum for tation. It was well said by Themistocles to the king the brain; but no receipt openeth the heart but a of Persia, That speech was like cloth of Arras, opened true friend, to whom you may impart griefs, joys, fears, hopes, suspicions, counsels, and whatsoever lieth upon the heart to oppress it, in a kind of civil shrift or confession.

It is a strange thing to observe how high a rate great kings and monarchs do set upon this fruit of friendship whereof we speak so great, as they purchase it many times at the hazard of their own safety and greatness for princes, in regard of the distance of their fortune from that of their subjects and servants, cannot gather this fruit, except, to make themselves capable thereof, they raise some persons to be, as it were, companions, and almost equals to themselves, which many times sorteth to inconvenience. The modern languages give unto such persons the name of favourites, or privadoes, as if it were matter of grace or conversation; but the Roman name attaineth the true use and cause thereof, naming them 'participes curarum' ['participators in cares']; for it is that which tieth the knot and we see plainly that this hath been done, not by weak and passionate princes only, but by the wisest and most politic that ever reigned, who have oftentimes joined to themselves some of their servants, whom both themselves have called friends, and allowed others likewise to call them in the same manner, using the word which is received between private men.

It is not to be forgotten what Comineus observeth of his first master, Duke Charles the Hardy-namely, that he would communicate his secrets with none; and, least of all, those secrets which troubled him most. Whereupon he goeth on, and saith, that towards his latter time, that closeness did impair and a little perish his understanding. Surely Comineus might have made the same judgment also, if it had pleased him, of his second master, Louis XI., whose closeness was indeed his tormentor. The parable of Pythagoras is dark, but true, 'Cor ne edito'-['Eat not the heart.'] Certainly, if a man would give it a hard phrase, those that want friends to open themselves unto, are cannibals of their own hearts; but one thing is most admirable (wherewith I will conclude this first fruit of friendship), which is, that this communicating of a man's self to his friend, works two contrary effects, for it redoubleth joys, and cutteth griefs in halves; for there is no man that imparteth his joys to his friend, but he joyeth the more, and no man that imparteth his griefs to his friend, but he grieveth the less. So that it is, in truth, of operation upon a man's mind of like virtue as the alchymists use to attribute to their stone for man's body, that it worketh all contrary effects, but still to the good and benefit of nature; but yet, without praying in aid of alchymists, there is a manifest image of this in the ordinary course of nature; for, in bodies, union strengtheneth and cherisheth any natural action, and, on the other side, weakeneth and

and put abroad' whereby the imagery doth appear in figure, whereas in thoughts they lie but as in packs. Neither is this second fruit of friendship, in opening the understanding, restrained only to such friends as are able to give a man counsel (they indeed are best), but even without that a man learneth of himself, and bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits as against a stone, which itself cuts not. In a word, a man were better relate himself to a statue or picture, than to suffer his thoughts to pass in smother. Add now, to make this second fruit of friendship complete, that other point which lieth more open, and falleth within vulgar observation-which is faithful counsel from a friend. Heraclitus saith well, in one of his enigmas, Dry light is ever the best; and certain it is, that the light that a man receiveth by counsel from another, is drier and purer than that which cometh from his own understanding and judgment, which is ever infused and drenched in his affections and customs. So as there is as much difference between the counsel that a friend giveth, and that a man giveth himself, as there is between the counsel of a friend and of a flatterer; for there is no such flatterer as is a man's self, and there is no such remedy against flattery of a man's self as the liberty of a friend. Counsel is of two sorts; the one concerning manners, the other concerning business: for the first, the best preservative to keep the mind in health is the faithful admonition of a friend. The calling of a man's self to a strict account, is a medicine sometimes too piercing and corrosive; reading good books of morality is a little flat and dead; observing our faults in others is sometimes improper for our case; but the best receipt (best, I say, to work, and best to take) is the admonition of a friend. It is a strange thing to behold what gross errors and extreme absurdities many (especially of the greater sort) do commit, for want of a friend to tell them of them, to the great damage both of their fame and fortune: for, as St James saith, they are as men that look sometimes into a glass, and presently forget their own shape and favour:' as for business, a man may think, if he will, that two eyes see no more than one; or, that a gamester seeth always more than a looker-on; or, that a man in anger is as wise as he that hath said over the four-and-twenty letters; or, that a musket may be shot off as well upon the arm as upon a rest; and such other fond and high imaginations, to think himself all in all: but when all is done, the help of good counsel is that which setteth business straight; and if any man think that he will take counsel, but it shall be by pieces; asking counsel in one business of one man, and in another business of another man; it is as well (that is to say, better, perhaps, than if he asked none at all), but he runneth two dangers; one, that he shall not be faithfully counselled-for it is a rare thing, except it be

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