nearly extinguished in 1828, the Democrats demanded a reduction of the duties, while the Whigs insisted that the duties should be increased, and the surplus thus raised be used in an extended system of internal improvements, roads, canals, etc. It was in opposition to this scheme that the "Nullification" scheme of South Carolina arose in 1830.

In 1832 important changes were made, and a scheme of gradual reductions was agreed upon, which in ten years-1842-would relieve the country of most of the duties. In that year, the Whigs being in the majority, a high tariff was again enacted, but was vetoed by President Tyler. A moderate tariff, with some changes and modifications from specific to ad valorem duties and the reverse on some articles, was the rule of the government's policy until the civil

war.

Previous to 1824, Benton says that revenue the object, protection the incident, had been the established rule. At that time, or shortly afterwards, the Republican party divided-the high tariff advocates under the lead of President John Q. Adams and Henry Clay, and the remnants of the old Federalists, of whom Daniel Webster was one, united in the formation of the Whig party, with whom the rule was reversed and "protection" became the object and revenue the incident of the tariff policy. The positions of the parties since then on this subject have

changed but little, the successors to the old Whig party-now Republicans having avowed in 1860 a "protective" tariff as one of the planks of their platform.

The Democracy have continued to announce their rule of action to be a tariff for revenue only, with incidental protection when compatible with the public interests, as stated by their last candidate, General Hancock, and advocated by the party during Jackson's administration. One feature of the Democratic position remains to be stated. It has been the rule of the party to place a high duty on articles of luxury, silks, etc., leaving articles of necessity, mostly used by the poor, comparatively free.

The following extract from the Principles of Political Economy, by John Stuart Mill, himself a free trader, is given as an excellent expression of sentiment upon this subject:

"The only case where protective duties can be defensible is where they are imposed temporarily, especially in a young and rising nation, in the hope of naturalizing a foreign industry, in itself perfectly suitable to the circumstances of the country. The superiority of one country over another in a branch of production, often arises from having begun it sooner. There may be no inherent advantage on one part or disadvantage on the other, but only a present superiority of acquired skill and experience. A country which has this skill and experience

yet to acquire, may in other respects be better adapted to the production than those which were carlier in the field. But it cannot be expected that individuals should, at their own risk, or rather to their certain loss, introduce a new manufacture and bear the burden of carrying it on until the producers have been educated up to the level of those with whom the processes are traditional. A protecting duty, continued for a reasonable time, will sometimes be the least inconvenient mode by which a nation can tax itself for the support of such an experiment. But the protection should be confined to cases in which there is good ground of assurance, that the industry which it fosters will, after a time, be able to dispense with it; nor should the domestic producers ever be allowed to expect that it will be continued to them beyond the time necessary for a fair trial of what they are capable of accomplishing."

Over half the revenue of our government is now derived from a tax on imports. For the year ending June 30, 1880, the entire receipts were $333,526,610. Of this amount $186,522,064 was received from customs; $124,109,373 from internal revenue; $1,016,506 from sales of public lands, and $21,978,665 from other sources.

CHAPTER IX.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

Its Tory" Ancestry-A Strong, Aristocratic Government-Alien and Sedition Laws-All the Old Features of the Federal and Whig Parties Reappear in their Offspring-Its Higher Law and Personal Liberty Bills-Disappointed in its Enfranchisement of the Negro-The Great Centennial Fraud-A Fable.

THIS history would scarcely be complete without a notice of the present Republican party, and of the measures which it has advocated in opposition to the Democracy.

It has been mentioned that during the Revolutionary War a considerable party, embracing much wealth, known as "Tory," still adhered to the British throne. These were the American representatives of a party in England, long known by the same designation, who were principally distinguished by the advocacy of the divine right of kings to govern-the most radical of them insisting, during the reigns of the Stuarts, that no act of the monarch, however tyrannical, could absolve the subject froin his allegiance.

At the conclusion of our war for independence, this "Tory" element was naturally absorbed into the Federal party. In the debates which accompanied the formation and adoption of our

present form of government, it was held by the Federalists that a strong central government was necessary to prevent foreign interference and domestic violence. Having no confidence in the ability of the people to govern themselves, it was proposed to keep as much power as possible out of their hands. A government modelled on that of England was the ideal proposed by them the Chief Executive to hold his office for life; the Senate to be a privileged class, to remain in office during good behavior; and a property qualification of all voters, requiring them to be possessed of property to the amount of $1,000, was suggested. And as the States, if independent, might become an obstacle to the exercise of supreme power, it was proposed that the central government should have an absoluto veto power on all State legislation. On the other hand, the extreme Democrats, believing that the people could govern themselves, were satisfied with the old articles of confederation, with only a slight additional power bestowed on Congress, to provide for the payment of the war debt and the regulation of commerce. The present Constitution, as a compromise between these extreme views, was adopted through the influence of the immortal Washington, who presided over the convention, and James Madison, who preserved the notes of its secret proceedings. It was considered a great concession by the extreme Democrats, Franklin. Jef