SENATE.] Prevention of Desertion. gentleman intend to include those different kinds of war? Or did he intend to mean, by the word war, a war to be declared by Congress conformable to the provisions of the Constitution: he should be glad if the gentleman would make his terms definite, so that he might be able to understand what kind of war he meant. Mr. HOLMES replied, that by war he meant fighting; that was the common meaning of the word war. The United States knew they had the power of declaring war, but they ought also to have the power of making war without declaring it. If a nation make war against us, to say it is a declaration of war, would imply a declaration on our part. Suppose there was no declaration of war, there would still be no doubt that war existed, nor of the time when commenced; the event that commenced the war was always well known, and the first act of hostility was always understood as declaring the existence of war. If the United States were engaged in a war, either with, or without a declaration, the fact would be as well understood as any thing could be. The gentleman from Georgia had asked if he meant by the word war, war with the Indians. It was very seldom that an Indian war lasted so long as twelve months; but, supposing this were the fact, it would then have acquired the character of war, in which the soldiers were equally exposed to dangers and entitled to reward. Mr. H. said, that, when war commenced, there was always a difficulty found in raising permanent armies; there were laws enough passed for three months' men and six months' men; but he would have an army enlisted for and during the war, that they might have something on which to rely; and such an army as that, he thought, might do something effectual. He doubted, if they postponed this to the commencement of a war, whether a permanent law of this kind would ever be passed. Mr. COBB said he hoped the gentleman from Maine would pardon him, if he told him that he did not think he had explained the difficulty he had in his mind; perhaps it might be occasioned by his (Mr. C.'s) inability to express his ideas distinctly. The gentleman's amendment says, that "any soldier who shall, within months after the commencement," &c. Who, Mr. C. asked, was to decide when this war commenced? To whom was the question to be referred, whether war had commenced or not? If the gentleman meant such a war as is declared by Congress, then he agreed with the gentleman from Maine, that they would have time enough to remedy the evil. If he had reference to the other kind of war, he would then ask him, who was to determine when war commenced, so as to ascertain the number of months it had continued? Mr. C said he was opposed to making provision for such a kind of war. War is sometimes carried on without any declaration. The gentleman said that an Indian war seldom lasted more than twelve months. Mr. C. said he was afraid he would have to request the gentleman to review his historical knowledge. Indian wars had been waged for years, before they were terminated by peace. One commenced after the battle of Tippecanoe: was that declared by the Congress of the United States? Was there any declaration made in the Indian war which General Wayne terminated in the Northwestern country? He wished the gentleman specifically to say, who was to determine the time when the war commenced. Was it Congress, or the officer entrusted with the detachment of the army which was employed? He would put another question to the gentleman. When Pensacola was captured, during the Seminole war, was that war or not or, to refer to a more recent case, the affair at Foxardo-was that war? If so, was war declared? Mr. C. concluded by saying, he thought this thing had better be let alone, for it might produce trouble; and, as to throwing more discretion into the hands of the Executive power, he would give it no encouragement. [JAN. 12, 1826. Mr. HOLMES said, if it ought to be let alone, the gentleman from Georgia had certainly given the last reason he could give for it. Was his friend serious when he evinced a doubt, as to what time war commenced, or to what time it extended? We have, Mr. H. said, a Government capable of declaring war, and whether it lasted twelve months or not, we are in possession of means to ascertain when it commenced-he believed, that, in all the Indian wars the gentleman spoke of, the time that they commenced, is ascertained, as well, indeed, as that war existed at all. In former times, there might be a regular Indian war continuing more than twelve months, but, in our own days, they were of entirely a different character-a war, where one side gave blows, and the other side submitted to them, could not last a long time; but, if they were to last twelve months, he saw no reason why a soldier should not be put on the pension list for services in those wars, as well as in any other. The question was then taken on agreeing to the amendment, and decided in the negative. Mr. RUGGLES said, as no gentleman seemed disposed to oppose the passage of this bill, and as he had some objections to it, he would state them very briefly to the Senate. He was sensible that his colleague, who reported the bill, must be better informed on this subject than himself, in consequence of his long experience in the military service. The object of the bill is to prevent desertion in the army. Any law that could be passed, that would effect this object, would be a salutary one, and a sound measure of policy. But will this bill accomplish this desirable result? The first section provides that one dollar. and fifty cents per month shall be retained out of the wages of the soldier, until the expiration of his term of service. Congress has, heretofore, thought that even increas ed pay and bounties were necessary to induce the soldier to enlist and serve faithfully. Large sums, in the shape of bounties, were given during the last war, to enable the Government to fill the ranks of the army. This bill changes the policy that has been heretofore pursued by the Government, and refuses payment for services actually rendered. This will not satisfy the soldier-it will not prevent desertion. The most effectual mode that can be adopted is to pay them well, and pay them promptly. Mr. R. said, if he had a correct knowledge of that class of our population, who filled the ranks of our army in time of peace, he was satisfied that it was the pay that induced them to enlist and serve. They will not look to the termination of five years to receive their reward; the very act of withholding it will induce them to desert. The period is too remote to satisfy them; present enjoyment and prompt pay alone satisfies the soldier. There are many that enlist who have families to support, who stand in immediate want of their earnings, and whose families must suffer, unless they receive the just reward for their service. Congress has no more right to withhold the pay of the soldier, than the farmer has the wages of the laborer on his farm. What has been the principal cause of desertion, mutiny, and rebellion, in the armies of Europe, and particularly Spain? The answer is ready-The withholding the pay of the soldier. By this act, Congress is about to legalize a proceeding which has done so much mischief, and produced such great difficulties in Europe. Mr. R. said he would repeat, the only way to prevent desertion was to pay your soldiers well, and pay them promptly. The second section of the bill provides, that the soldier, who has served out one tour of duty, and re-enlists, shall receive one dollar per month more. This will produce great difficulty and dissatisfaction in the army. There can be no substantial reason for such a discrimination. They ought all to receive precisely the same pay-they stand in the same ranks, fight the same battles, and perform, in every other respect, the same duties. Will the soldier, under such circumstances, who receives one dollar less per month than his fellow-soldier, be satisfied? He will not. He will complain; and, Mr. R. said, in his opinion, he would have just ground of complaint. This dissatisfaction, arising from an unequal distribution of wages, will induce him to desert, and leave the service in which they are not rewarded equally. The soldier who re-enlists at the end of five years' service, is, upon no just principles, entitled to greater pay than the man who leaves the plough and enters your army. Mr. R. said it was from a belief that the bill would not attain the object desired, and also that it was unequal and unjust in its provisions, that he should feel compelled to vote against it. [SENATE. After class of society, which is not likely again to occur. the peace, the articles of war prohibited courts martial from inflicting the punishment of death, except when sanctioned by the Supreme Executive authority--an exception which prevented it from ever being recurred to. There then remained no other punishment but flogging. The smallness of our military establishment at that time created no difficulty in keeping the ranks full; but, when the difficulty which arose between us and the Indian tribes on the Northwest frontier, created the necessity of a large military force, though no law was passed on the subject, on a recurrence to the advice of the Executive, sancMr. HARRISON, of Ohio, said, to save the trouble of tioned by the opinion of the Attorney General, that, though further opposition to particular parts of the bill, he thought war had not been declared by the Legislature, it existed it due to the committee to give a general outline of the in fact, and that the punishment of death might be inflictprinciples on which the bill had been adopted, and in so ed by a court martial-under Generals St. Clair and doing, he trusted he should give an answer to his friend Wayne, this thing was often done. It was found imposand colleague. No one, Mr. H. said, who had turned his sible to restrain desertion by flogging, and death was ofattention to the subject, would doubt that the system ten inflicted. In a plain adjacent to the town of Pittswhich the United States had pursued in relation to the or- burgh, Mr. H. said, the spot could be pointed out where ganization of the peace establishment was a wise one: the ten or twelve, or perhaps twenty men, had suffered death laws on the subject show that they had in view the forma- for desertion. This enormous waste of American blood tion of a large and effectual army, when the circumstances raised a great commotion throughout the country, and notof the country should reqiure it. He believed that there withstanding the popularity of General Wayne, it was the was never an army of its size capable of so much expan-occasion of strong remonstrance from the citizens to the sion as that of the peace establishment of the United Executive. The wisdom, and even humanity of the States. As far as related to the staff of the commissioned course pursued by General Wayne, was manifested by grade of the army, they had, he thought, nearly arrived at the result: for, from this period, few desertions took perfection. But he could say with truth, that he believ- place, and a recurrence to capital punishment was seldom ed the non-commissioned officers and privates of the ar- necessary. At the conclusion of the war, by the peace my to be in a worse state than had ever before existed in of Greenville, the right of inflicting the punishment of America. The documents on which the committee had death no longer pertained to courts martial. Nothing acted, were now before him. He had obtained from the was done but flogging, which was carried to such an exAdjutant General's office a statement of the number of tent, as to create a very great dissatisfaction throughout desertions amongst the non-commissioned officers and the country. Immediately before the last war, Governprivates during the last three quarters of a year, and they ment thinking, and very properly too, that this mode of amounted to 701. If this proportion should continue, the punishment would be the means of preventing the filling amount in one year would be 934; and it was to be re-up of the army, repealed that section, and declared that membered that these were enlisted chiefly from our own stripes should no longer be inflicted. I feel considerable population. In deliberating on this subject, there were satisfaction in stating, that I am one of the officers who two modes which offered themselves to the committee to were consulted on that occasion, who gave an opinion faput a stop to this state of things: one by increasing the vorable to the abolition of that disgraceful punishment. punishments now inflicted for desertion; and the other to Since the conclusion of the last war, the usual punishrestrain the soldier, by holding out inducements to him ment has been what is called the ball and chain, and hard for a faithful performance of his duty, and to make him labor; and what has been the result of this? In one year believe that the path of duty is the path of interest. In addi- there have been 934 desertions-it is surely time that tion to this document, Mr. H. said, he was in possession some remedy should be applied. Will you again recur of another, which went to show the amount of money drawn to the system of flogging, or will you again authorize the from the Treasury, on account of desertions, by which it ap-infliction of the punishment of death? The feelings of the peared that the sum of $10,099 had been paid for apprehend- American Congress are too strongly in unison with those ing deserters, and 536 for the pursuit of those not taken. of the nation, to recur to that till the one which is recomThe bill now presented contains two propositions; the mended by the committee shall have been tried-one first, in the 1st and 2d section, providing a bounty for re- which is more lenient, and is addressed to the mind of the enlistment; the other in the 3d section, relates to increas- soldier. Such was the intention of the committee in reing the pay of the non-commissioned officers of the army.porting this bill. It has been supposed by some persons The committee had adopted this plan in preference to that proposing an increase of punishment, and in doing so, they acted in accordance with what they thought would be the view of the Senate, and they were sure they acted in accordance with the feelings of the American People. Mr. H. said, it would be proper to state the manner in which desertion had hitherto been punished.. At the commencement of the American Revolution, America having had little or no intercourse with any other part of the world than Great Britain, in regard to desertion, had adopted the system of that country-the punishment was death or flogging, at the option of the court martial. He was not aware what effect this kind of punishment had on the soldiers of the Revolutionary war; but whatever it might be, it could not form a criterion for us; for there were circumstances operating on the mind of the soldier in that war, such as extreme suffering in some instances, and the ardent attachment to the cause, which pervaded every who have turned their attention to the subject, that the first section of the bill which relates to the retention of a portion of the soldier's pay, would be sufficient to answer the desired end. There have also been some objections to it: for my colleague thinks it will have an injurious cffect on the recruiting service. Alone it would not be sufficient, but taken in connection with the other sections of the bill, I trust will be found useful. My colleague asks what is the motive which induces men to enlist in the army, and to a faithful performance of their duty? He says it is the pay. I allow that it is so with regard to the first enlistment; but an old soldier enlists from other and better motives. The only objection I could think of to the first section is, that, at the expiration of his period of service, he will have his pocket full of money, and would go home to spend it instead of re-enlisting. But, sir, it is the humane practice in the army to grant furloughs to the old and faithful soldiers. An old soldier, therefore, who SENATE.] Prevention of Desertion. has $100 in his pocket, and wishes to re-enlist, would be allowed to go home and spend amongst his friends the money he has gained. In regard to the second section of the bill, it is not only a measure of justice, but a measure of humanity, and I may add of economy, also. My colleague has asserted it will produce dissatisfaction amongst the soldiers of the army, where one man is paid more than another. Sir, there is not a service in Europe in which this system does not prevail; and in those services where this idea is most prevalent, there has been a more efficient and better conditioned army. England commenced a plan of this kind under the administration of Charles Fox, a man whose policy, wisdom, humanity, and whose excellence of character, are equal to any other that ever guided the helm of state. When this plan was first adopted, a small addition was made to the pay of the soldier; each soldier having served a certain time, was entitled to an additional penny a dry, and for the second period of two pence a day; and this, however insignificant it may appear to us, is to the British soldier a matter of great importance. I have some knowledge of British soldiers, and whilst conversing with the prisoners of the British army, I could distinguish by their erect attitude and correct deportment, the pride they felt in being called veterans. This plan has been adopted by every army in Europe. The value of an old soldier to an army, sir, is known to every military man. There is not an officer who has served in the army but knows that, for a considerable time after he has enlisted, a recruit is worth nothing. The money that is paid him, the clothes which are given to him, and the arms which are put into his hands, and which are frequently destroyed, are so much loss to the Government. I have in my hand, sir, a calculation, made by an excellent officer in the army, Major Wool, from which it appears that, in consequence of the loss of arms, the expense of provisions, &c. each recruit, sent, for instance, to Green Bay, will cost eighty dollars. So that an old soldier, who will re-enlist, is worth eighty dollars more to the Government than a recruit, exclusive of the chance of desertion. To this may be added the pay and subsistence of the re,cruit till he arrives there, which will swell the amount to upwards of one hundred dollars. [JAN. 12, 1826. in the year 1797, it will be found that the revolt began amongst the subordinate officers, one of whom, Parker, the admiral, had been a boatswain. It is found that ambitious men have always directed their efforts towards the lower grades of the officers, in their attempts to seduce armies from their duty, and, if they can be made use of for effecting bad purposes, certainly they can be made the medium of infusing good principles. It has always been the practice of great Generals to pay the greatest attention to this grade of the army, and, when I find a man who is so little acquainted with human nature as to be inattentive to this fact, in the end I always expect he will be found wanting. It was the possession of this knowledge that made the celebrated Pompey, rather than Lucullus, the conqueror of Asia. The possession of it enabled the King of Prussia-the great Frederick, I mean-with small means, and with resources drawn from an impoverished country, the sands and marshes of Brandenburgh and Prussia Proper, to maintain, for many years, a successful contest with the colossal power of the three great Kingdoms of Europe, with Russia, Austria, and France. Anecdotes enough have been related of this great philosopher as well as General, to show his devotion to this particular grade of his army. He was extremely indulgent to the non-commissioned officers of his army; he was severe to the higher grades. In going the rounds of his camp, if he remarked any excellence in a non-commissioned officer, it was always rewarded. Amongst the variety of anecdotes that have appeared, elucidating this point in his character, there is one which is particularly in point. The King, as was his custom, passing through the lines of his army, observed a corporal who was dressed very handsomely and even gaudily, to have an elegant watch-chain, and believing his resources inadequate to procure a watch equal in beauty to the chain, and supposing he had none, he called to him and asked the time of day. The corporal, drawing out his chain, produced a musket ball attached to it. Sir, said he, my watch does not point to 10 or to 12, but it reminds me perpetually of the duty I owe to your Majestyto die whenever your service requires it. The reward of this noble sentiment was the King's own watch, set with brilliants. Is there a gentleman who hears me, so unacquainted with human nature, as to believe that a watch worth five But, sir, I have said I believe the last section to be the hundred guineas or ten thousand guineas, would be too high most important one. I think so still, and the more I con- a price for the effect which this noble sentiment produced sider the subject, the more I am confirmed in that belief, when circulated in the army? If the King had given five not only as it relates to the persons to whom the section thousand watches to the commissioned officers, they would particularly refers, and as the means of improving the ge- not have produced the effect which was produced by the neral condition of the army, but as the means of effecting gift of this one to a corporal; because every private and the objects contemplated by the first and second sections non-commissioned officer who heard the story, which of the bill. I believe no military man will deny the fact, would soon spread, believed that a present of this dethat, on the character of the non-commissioned officers of scription was within his reach also. I do not know, sir, the army, depends, in a more important degree, the cha- at what precise period of time this circumstance occurred, racter of the army itself, than even in the commissioned but I know that, if it was a short time prior to one of those grade. General Wayne thought so, and I can, from my battles, in which, from accident or blunder-for the King own experience, say, that I have never yet seen a good of Prussia could sometimes commit blunders-his army company that had not a good non-commissioned officer; was jeopardized, it was possible that this present of five and I have seen many companies defective in discipline hundred guineas might have saved him and his army also. where the Captain was, in many respects, fan accomplished At the battle of Cunnersdorff, the King, by his obstinacy officer. General Wayne often said he could ascertain the in persevering to attack the impregnable position of the state of a company, or of a regiment, better, by examining Russians, had every corps in his army so completely broken the non-commissioned officers, than by a cursory review and dispersed, that, in the succeeding night, the King was of the regiment. It may, then, be considered an establish- found asleep in a cottage, attended by an Adjutant and a ed maxim that, as the non-commissioned officers are, so single soldier. Believing that he could oppose no effecwill be the soldiers of the line. If the one is faithful and ef- tual resistance to the Russians, in their advance to his cafective, such will be the state of the army. This fact, alpital, he had directed, in a hasty note to the Queen, that history proves; and I refer to one fact in our own history-the archives and Royal family should be removed; but the revolt of the Pennsylvania Line, during the Revolu- then it was, that the affection of the non-commissioned of tionary War. The mutiny of that line begun and ended ficers to his person, proved his salvation; for, in a short by the non-commissioned officers; and we find universally time, they did what the commissioned officers could not that, where an army has mutinied, it has been more parti-alone have done, from the dispersed situation of the army; cularly through the lower grades, than through the upper a force was collected sufficient to check the advance of the ones. In the mutiny which took place in the British fleet, enemy and to save his capital. At the battle of Torgau, a JAN. 12, 1826.] Prevention of Desertion. [SENATE. similar instance occurred: General Zethin having mistaken quently seen sergeants at the table of Count Rochambeau. made to the pay of one Sergeant in each company of sixpence a day, who were to bear a badge of distinction, and who were to be called color Sergeants.] To shew the effect which the British Government promised themselves from this institution of color sergeants, I will ask leave to read to the Senate an extract from the Duke of York's order on this subject. "In consideration of the distinguished services of the non-commissioned officers of the army, and with a view to extend to the infantry the encouragement and advantages. enjoyed by the non-commissioned officers of cavalry, the Prince Regent, &c. The pay of the Sergeant Major shall be increased to three shillings per diem, and that of one Sergeant per company, to 2s. 4d. "These privileged Sergeants to be termed Color Sergeants; they will bear above their chevron the honorary distinction of a regimental color, supported by two sabres crossed. When under arms, they will constantly take post round the regimental colors; in other respects, they are to fulfil all the duties of other Sergeants. But, sir, let us look to Europe, from whence we have borrowed most of our military ideas, and let us see what is the situation of the non-commissioned officers there. In "The Commander-in-Chief addresses himself to the France, the great distance which exists in our service be- non-commissioned officers themselves. He appreciates tween the commissioned and non-commissioned grade, their meritorious services; he is persuaded that, under the never did exist. I have been told by some of the Revo-direction of their officers, they have, by their individual and fionary officers, that, at the siege of York, they had fre- collective efforts, largely contributed to raise the charac ter of the British army to the degree of eminence which it has at present reached," &c. [JAN. 12, 1826. sured the feelings of your fellow-citizens will not go with you. Will you subject your gallant officers, who gained you so much honor during the last war, to the revolting task of executing their fellow-soldiers? I assure you it is an employment, for which they have no stomach. Though accustomed to scenes of blood, it was the blood of their enemies, or friends who, falling in the defence of their country, it is not permitted a soldier to regret. If it were not from the apprehension of a charge of garrulity, which, it is said, belongs to the character of some old soldiers, I could tell what I felt, when, at the age of eighteen, it fell to my lot to command the guard which executed two soldiers for desertion; and what I also felt, when, as the commander of your army, I was called on to sanction a sentence of death. But I will tell you what I have seen General Wayne, the Marcellus of your country, suffer on a similar occasion. I witnessed the tear starting from his fine blue eye, and his breast heaving with emotion, whenever he was called upon to perform this painful duty. I am aware there is still a considerable deduction from the pay of the non-commissioned officers in the British army for provisions. I have not been able to ascertain precisely what is its amount, but I believe it is eight or nine pence per day. It is the general opinion that the soldier pays for every thing that is distributed to him; but that is not the case it is only to a certain amount, and Government pays the remainder. The pay of the ordinary sergeant of infantry may be somewhere about what it is in this country at present, but the pay of the artillery sergeant is greater. I ask what is done in our service to compensate them? Nothing that I know of, and, if it is necessary, for the good of the service, to have good non-commissioned officers, you must strike out some mode of encouraging them; if you cannot give them distinction, give them an equivalent for it; if you cannot give them promotion out of their grade, give them distinction in it, and pay, sufficient to dress well, to supply all their little wants, and that they may cut some sort of figure amongst their friends If you do not wish to revive this punishment, will you when they are by the lenity of their officers, suffered to restore the omnipotence of the cat-of-nine tails, that invisit them. They ought, also, I should think, to have suf-strument of torture? If you do, you will find it ineffecficient to support a family in a style of tolerable decency. tual. Resort to severe punishments of that description, I have before observed, that the objects of the first sec- procure the shlag from Prussia, or the knout from Rustion of the bill will be materially promoted by passing the sia-it will never be effectual in an American Army. third section; but whilst the committee were deliberating The punishment of the picket has even been tried, but on the subject, I had no idea that I could procure a docu- in vain; the only one that has proved effectual, is death. ment, which I have since done, that would prove the fact Perhaps it may be said, it will be best to continue the so decisively. Since the bill has been reported, I have present system of confining the deserter to hard labor in obtained from the Adjutant General's Office a document a fortress, with a ball and chain around his leg. Will the to that effect-it is a statement of the number of deser- Senate consider what will be the effect of this congregations amongst the non-commissioned officers distinct from tion of bad men? Amongst this number, there are many that of the men; and, if it continues in the same proportion old offenders, who are hardened in crime, and others who as it has done, it will make the number, for twelve months, are but young in guilt-the effect of such a system, alamount to thirty and a fraction. During the whole course ways being to bring the least guilty to the standard of the of my life, I have never known such a thing to occur be- greatest. And what a mass of villany will you periodifore. I formerly served as a platoon officer in the army of cally turn loose on the community. Try, then, I beseech Gen. Wayne, and should certainly have known if there had you, some other plan-try the effect of lenity and inbeenany uncommon desertion from that grade; and, during struction-take the fetter from the leg, and apply it to the whole of that period, I am convinced there were not the mind of your soldier, and make him what he should four desertions of that kind-one was taken and shot, but be, the willing and faithful servant of his country. I cannot recollect any other; and, whilst commanding the Northwestern army, I do not recollect of a single instance. Surely, sir, some system should be adopted by which the men may be enlisted from amongst the respectable yeomanry of the country-thirty non-commissioned officers deserting in one year, is a humiliating spectacle, and the Legislature should feel themselves bound, as far as they can, to prevent its future recurrence. I said, sir, that I had it in my power to shew that the order which I have read from the Duke of York, raising the pay of the non-commissioned officers, was produced by the recommendation of the Duke of Wellington, and that it was intended as a remedy against the desertions in the army. There is an order of the Duke's, of the same year, in which he complains that the desertions were greater than at any former period. The order of the Duke of York says, indeed, nothing about desertion, but holds out to the soldier the inducement of obtaining the rank of non-commissioned officer, to whom more respect and emolument had been given for a more faithful discharge of his duty; and a similar object is expected to be accomplished by the section of the bill I am now discussing. If you are not willing, sir, to adopt a system of this kind-if you will not increase their pay, from the apprehension which my colleague has expressed, that it will produce dissatisfaction in the army-what measures will you adopt? Something must certainly be done. Will you say that the punishment of death shall again be inflicted? Will you crimson your plains with the blood of your own soldiers? If you are resolved to do this, be as After all, Sir, this bill is not entirely to my mind. I would have added some other inducements; I would have added honorary distinction; and I would have increased the pay of the corporals; but I feared to go too far, lest nothing should be obtained. There is another clause I would willingly have added; to restore again to your army the ministers of religion. Until lately I had not known that the grade of Chaplains had been abolished. May not to this cause be, in part, attributed the increased number of desertions in your army? I know there are objections in the minds of some military men to the employment of Chaplains; but it has always arisen from the character of the Chaplains themselves. I know also that books of caricatures have been printed in England against that grade; but, in the reform that has lately taken place under the Duke of Wellington, a considerable change has been effected in that particular. They are now chosen with great care, and faithfully do their duty. A Chaplain, properly chosen, and employed where he can have constant access to the men, will, no doubt, be of effectual service, and I regret they are no longer to be found as a component part of our army. I am sorry to have detained the committee so long, but I consider it a most important subject, and well worthy all the consideration that can be bestowed on it. Mr. CHANDLER said, he believed that when the Senate considered what sort of men the ranks of the army was filled with, in time of peace, they would perceive how difficult it was to prevent desertion; for so long as such quantities of wild land remained, which is so easily obtained, it is impossible to induce men to enlist into your |