PEB. 21-27, 1826.] Bankruptcy-Decease of Mr. Gaillard. immense magnitude. The Committee were fully aware that it was not possible to digest a plan which would be free from substantial objections, and it was altogether hopeless to attempt to conciliate in its favor universal approbation. The evils, however, resulting from the inefficient and contradictory laws now of force in the several States on this subject, were so severel felt; such were the frauds to which they gave rise, and so great the injustice practised under them; that the committee were strongly impressed with the belief that some effectual remedy ought, at least, to be attempted. [SENATE. the use of the Senate. [The bill is the longest ever reported in Congress, on this subject, embracing no less than ninety-four sections.] WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1826. After receiving some petitions, &c. the Senate went into the consideration of Executive business, and remained with closed doors till past five o'clock. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1826. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1826. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1826. The Senate met at 12 o'clock, and, after the Journal had been read- The Committee, he said, had taken up the subject with a sincere desire effectually to secure the just rights of creditors, and, at the same time, to protect the honest and unfortunate debtor, from oppression. These were the leading objects of the whole bill. The Committee had not felt themselves authorized, in a subject of this nature, to indulge in speculation, or to adopt theoretical views. They had taken as their guides, the former Bankrupt Law of the United States, and the bill concerning Bankruptcy, which had passed the Senate in 1821, Mr. HAYNE, of South Carolina, rose, and said: It be. with the improvements and modifications that had either comes, Mr. President, my melancholy duty to announce to been suggested by the former experience of the country, this House, that my respected colleague, the FATHER OF or by the able men who had repeatedly, of late years, THE SENATE, is no more. After a faithful and uninterbrought the subject to public view. The bill which pass-rupted service in this body, of more than twenty-one ed the Senate in 1821, was, substantially, the same as that years, he has fallen, in the fulness of his honors, and in the which was reported to the House of Representatives in midst of his usefulness. Though he had lived to see al1820. It is well known that it had been revised and most every friend who had entered with him into Public corrected by, and finally received the approbation of, some life (and all with whom he served were his friends) sucof the most profound lawyers and ablest statesmen this cessively retiring from the busy scene, or swept from the country has produced. Taking this bill as the basis, the stage of existence-though he had for many years found committee, Mr. H. said, had carefully compared it with himself the oldest Member of the Senate, yet he had not the provisions of the old Bankrupt law and the new Bri- much passed the meridian of life, and we might have flattish Act, and now submitted the result of their labors to tered ourselves with the hope that a long course of honor the indulgent consideration of the Senate. and usefulness was still before him. Mr. GAILLARD took Mr. H. further stated, that it was a fortunate circum- his seat in the Senate on the 31st of January, 1805, and stance, and not a little remarkable, that the Bankrupt it is perhaps the highest tribute we could possibly pay to system which had been in operation in England ever his memory to state, that he was four times successively since the time of Henry the 8th, should have received, re-elected to his high trust, and retained to his last hour during the last year, a full revision-and that a complete the confidence of his fellow citizens. In 1810, (when he system of Bankruptcy, founded on an experience of three had been but five years a Member,) Mr. GAILLARD was hundred years, should have been there established in a elected PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE of the Senate, to which single Act, providing for the repeal of no less than twen-office he was nine times most honorably chosen, having, ty-one statutes, and embracing within itself every provi- for a period of fourteen years, presided over the deliberasion which time and experience had shown to be necessa- tions of this Assembly. I am sensible that it is not admissary. Of the flood of light shed on the subject of Bank-sible, on an occasion like the present, to indulge myself ruptcy by this Act, the Committee have availed them-in a studied eulogium on the virtues of our departed friend; selves, and had incorporated into the present bill, so many and I deeply regret that the office of touching briefly on of the provisions of that act as appeared to them to be his character, had not fallen to the lot of one who could valuable, and suitable to the condition of the United have spoken from long experience, and in the cloquent States. Having thus explained the course which the language of an early and well-tried friendship. My percommittee had pursued on this subject, Mr. H. said he sonal acquaintance with my late colleague was comparawould only now add, that they had deemed it advisable tively of recent date. Since I have served with him, howto submit to the consideration of the Senate, whether, in ever, in this House, the mutual exchange of kind offices adopting a system of Bankruptcy chiefly applicable to has never been, for a moment, interrupted, even by those mercantile men, it would not be proper to provide for a unhappy differences of opinion which plant thorns in the system of voluntary Bankruptcy for the rest of the com- path of the politician, and often estrange the dearest munity. The committee, he said, were aware of the friends. Judging of his past course by what I have myself difficulties inseparable from this question-they know witnessed, and by the concurring testimony of his assothat the fate of former bills have depended, and that the ciates, I will not be accused of doing more than simple fate of this may depend, on the decision of the question, justice to the memory of our friend, when I say, that, dur whether the Bankrupt system shall be extended to per- ing a term of service altogether unexampled in this body, sons, other than traders; nor are they unacquainted with he conciliated universal esteem and confidence. In his the constitutional objections which have been raised private intercourse with the Members, his mildness and against such an extension of the system. But the com- urbanity won all hearts. In fulfilling his duties as a Senamittee had, notwithstanding, deemed it advisable to re-tor, the solidity of his judgment and his dignified and unport the bill in the shape which would certainly be most acceptable-leaving it to the Senate to decide on the weight of the objections which may be urged against it. With these brief explanations of the views of the Committee, Mr. H. said he would ask leave to report the bill. This bill was read the first time by its title, and 600 additional copies thereof were ordered to be printed for ostentatious deportment, elicited the esteem and commanded the respect of his associates. But it was in the performance of the high duties of the PRESIDING OFFICER of the Senate, (which he discharged for a longer period than has fallen to the lot of any other man) that the conspicuous traits of his character were most fully developed. The ease and fidelity with which he fulfilled these duties, SENATE.] Decease of Mr. Gaillard-Negro Slavery in South America. MARCH 1, 1826. Resolved, That the Members of the Senate, from a sinmemory of the Honorable JOHN GAILLARD, deceased, their late associate, will go into mourning for him for one month by the usual mode of wearing crape round the left arm. Resolved, That, as an additional mark of respect for the memory of the Honorable JOHN GAILLARD, the Senate do now adjourn. The committee of arrangements, appointed in pursuance of the first resolution, were Messrs. HOLMES, BERRIEN, RUGGLES, VAN DYKE, and FINDLAY. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1826. This being the day appointed for the funeral of the Honorable JOHN GAILLARD, a Member of this body, no legislative business was transacted. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 1, 1826. -always arduous, and often of the most difficult and delicate nature-his perfect command of temper-exemplary cere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the patience-strict impartiality, and clear discernmenthave never been surpassed, and seldom equalled. Whatever might be the state of his health, no labor was too great for his industry, no privation too severe for his patience. So thorough was his acquaintance with Parliamentary forms, and especially with the practice of this House, and such was the confidence reposed in his justice, that his opinion on all questions of order was considered as a binding authority. Though Mr. GAILLARD was not in the habit of engaging in debate, yet, when it became necessary for him to explain the grounds of his decision, or to shed the lights of his experience on questions before the Senate, no man could express himself with more simplicity, perspicuity, or force. I know not how better to sum up the merits of the deceased, than in the words of my venerable friend, (Mr. Macon, whose eulogy is no common praise,) and who lately declared "that Mr. GAILLARD was designed by nature to preside over such an assembly Mr. RANDOLPH, of Va. rose, and said he wished to do as this"-thus assigning to him, as his appropriate sphere, what was with him a very unusual thing-not only to make a station of no common dignity, and duties of a most ex- a motion, but to make one asking information from the Exalted nature. Such was the man whose loss we are this ecutive branch of this Government. He had seen a proday called upon to deplore. On this occasion it becomes clamation purporting to have beeh issued by the celebraus to mourn; and I know, that, in paying the highest ho- ted General BOLIVAR. He had learned-and he had nors to his memory, we are giving utterance to the feel- learned with satisfaction, as far as regarded the fame and ings of every Member of the Senate, by whom the recol-reputation of that distinguished individual-that that prolection of the virtues of our deceased brother will be long clamation had been disclaimed by the consular authority and fondly cherished. here as a fabrication; at least a fabrication so far as it reMr. DICKERSON, of New Jersey, then rose, and said:lated to that particular part of the proclamation which The honorable gentleman from South Carolina has spoken had attracted his attention. Mr. R. said he was glad of of the character and services of his late distinguished col- it; but although, said he, that proclamation may be a faleague, in a manner highly creditable to the feelings of his brication-and no doubt it is so it is as unquestionably heart. The facts he has stated have already become a true as that proclamation is false, that the principles conportion of the history of this country. The services of his tained in that proclamation are the avowed principles of late colleague are to be found in almost every page of our the renowned individual to whom I refer; they are the statute books and our records, for the last twenty years. avowed principles of the Governments over which he exThere are other facts, however, connected with his cha- ercises almost unbounded sway; they are the avowed racter, for which his memory will be more cherished by principles of the People composing those States-if States his intimate friends, than even for his public services. His they may be called which States are none--and therefore urbanity, his uniform mildness of deportment in his inter-it is, said Mr. R. that I wish for some official information, course with his associates in this body, and while presiding-not to satisfy myself-not to delay any business that is, over our councils, we have all witnessed; but the innate or may be, before the Senate; I do not wish to wait for it; goodness of his heart could only be known to those with but official information that may satisfy the American Peowhom he lived on terms of intimacy. It has been my good ple as to the true character of those States. fortune, said Mr. D. to be associated with him, as an in- It is well known, said Mr. R. that in his public message mate in the same families, for the last seven sessions of to Congress, the President of the United States has intiCongress in which time, I have never observed the least mated to us, and to the world, through us, that an invitaapproach to harshness or severity towards those with tion of a certain character has been given to him, and that whom he associated, or the slightest departure from those in consequence, ministers will be sent to the Congress rules, by which gentlemen ought to be governed, in their about to be assembled at Panama. He hoped that the intercourse with each other; but, on the contrary, the most Ministers, whoever they might be, would be of that chaundeviating observance of the forms and customs of polite-racter and description who would labor under none of ness, which give to social intercourse its greatest charm. For such a character, I could not but be inspired with sentiments of the most unfeigned attachment and respect. His society I have courted when he was in health-when in sickness, I have endeavored to soothe his moments of languor and distress; and I watched, with the most painful solicitude, the last ebbings of a life thus endeared to me. In the death of this distinguished individual, the country has lost an able and faithful servant-and I have lost a most valued friend--and I trust, that, while mourn ing over the loss of the Public, I have the indulgence of the Senate in thus deploring my own. Mr. DICKERSON then offered the following resolutions, which were successively and unanimously adopted: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of the Honorable JOHN GAILLARD, deceased, which will take place at eleven o'clock to-morrow morning: that the Senate will attend the same, and that notice of this event be given to the House of Representatives. the odious and exploded prejudices, which revolted and repelled the fastidious Southern man from Africans-from associating as equals with them, or with People of African descent-that they may take their seat in Congress at Panama, beside the native African, their American descendants, the mixed breeds, the Indians, and the half breeds, without any offence or scandal at so motley a mixture. Mr. R. believed it was well understood as to the State-not the State in which this Congress is to be held, but in the immediate vicinage of the province where this Congress is to assemble-Guatemala-he believed it was considered as much a black Republic at this time as Hayti itself. There is, said Mr. R. a great deal of African blood in old Spain-in the South of Spain-though not all negro blood-from the opposite coast of Barbary. There is a further deterioration-if a deterioration it be-in the Creole Spaniards, in all the Spanish and Portuguese possessions, but above all in Guatemala, the immediate adjacent province to Panama, and in Brazil. Now these things said Mr. R. which are of no sort of importance to some MARCH 1, 1826. Negro Slavery in South America-Amendment of the Constitution. [SENATE. people, are of vital importance to that district and de- Mr. RANDOLPH again rose, and said he wished to scription of country, and not altogether contemptible, whe- supply an omission in the remarks he had made. It is, ther in point of extent or numbers, not quite unworthy of said he, generally of public notoriety that the Island of being taken into consideration in the deliberations and Cuba has been in a state of alarm from a threatened invadecisions of this body, and of the Federal Govern- sion from these Spanish American States; and that the chic ment. He would not detain the Senate farther than to cause of that alarm arises from the principles of those suggest, that he had heard that this great man-he had States in reference to this very question. Cuba, possess no doubt he was a great man-a good man-there were ing an immense Negro population, which has been ina great many such great and good men-LAFAYETTE was creased since the destruction of St. Domingo, incalcula one of them-at the commencement of the French Re- bly, by importation, as well as by natural means-Cuba volution-would not hear of any parley at all with what lies in such a position, in reference to the United States, they called the imprescriptible rights of man; they play and especially to the whole country on the Gulf of Mexed the whole game, they would not hear of qualification, co, as that the country may be invaded from Cuba in rowand we see what this desperate game has eventuated in-boats; and, in case those States should invade Cuba at all, extremes always beget one another. This General Boli- it is unquestionable that this invasion will be made with var, called the South American Washington-as every this principle-this genius of universal emancipation-inan, said Mr. R. now a days, who has commanded a pla- this sweeping anathema against the white population, in toon, is a Cæsar or a Hannibal, a Eumenes or Sertorius front; and then, sir, what is the situation of the Southern at least so he is the South American Washington. I re- States? I throw out these only by way of hints; it would member, sir, that when the old Earl of Bedford, when he not be decorous, in a preface to a resolution, to enter into was condoled with by a hypocrite, who wished in fact to an elaborate argument, which I could do. This is one of wound his feelings, on the murder of his son Lord Russel, those cases in which the suggestions of instinct are worth indignantly replied that he would not exchange his dead all the logic in the world-the instinct of self-preservason for the living son of any man on earth. So I, Mr. tion. It is one of those cases in which our passions instruct President, would not give our dead Washington for any our reason. 1 shall not consider whether the President Living Washington, or any Washington, that is likely to of the United States will send these Ministers or notlive in your time, Mr. President, or mine; whatever may He says he will do it, and he is generally understood to be the blessings reserved for mankind in the womb of be a man of his word-at least, as much so as to do what time. I do know-the world knows-that the principle he has officially said he will do. But I must consider how of the American Revolution, and the principle that is far I feel disposed, by my vote, to pledge Virginia in the now at work in the peninsula of South America and in common cause of States possessing these principles-and Guatemala and New Spain, are principles as opposite as to place our neutrality at the disposal of a belligerent light and darkness-principles as opposite as a manly and Congress. rational liberty is opposed to the frantic orgies of the French Bacchanals of the Revolution, as opposite as a manly and rational piety is opposed to that politico-religious fanaticism, which, I am sorry to see, is not at work only in the peninsula of South America and new Spain, but has pervaded, or is pervading, all this country, and has insinuated itself wherever it can, to the disturbance of the public peace, the loosening of the key-stone of this Constitution, and the undermining the foundation on which the arch of our Union rests. No, sir; they are as different as light and darkness as common sense and practice differ from the visionary theories of moon-struck lunatics. The Message of the President is before the world. The President of the United States has told us that he will act, and that he has the power. Let him-let him act-let him act on his own responsibility; but let the American People-and especially that part of the American People-that portion of them who reside South of the Ohio, and South of Mason and Dixon's line-know what are the deputies whom hereafter we are likely to receive in return from them, in character and color to our Congress-that is what I want to see. I want this to open their eyes-I want, instead of public opinion re-acting on us from uninformed public bates, however respectable; from toasts given at public dinners, however respectable the guests; a holy Alliance of liberty in opposition to a Holy Alliance of tyrants-I want the good sense of the People of the United States to be informed as to the fact; having the most perfect reliance on their decision when they shall have the facts, and having a disposition to submit most implicitly to that decision, whether it shall agree with my opinions or not: From these causes, I move that the President of the United States be requested to lay before the Senate such information as may be in the possession of the Executive, touching the principles and practice of the Spanish American States, or any of them, late colonies of old Spain, in regard to Negro slavery-I will submit the motion in writing. [Having done so; and the resolution having been read VOL. II-9 Mr. R. then gave notice that he should respectfully ask for the consideration of the resolution to-morrow morning. AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION. Mr. BENTON, of Missouri, from the Select Committee, to which was referred the proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States, with respect to the appointment of Senators and Representatives to offices under the Fede. ral Government, made an argumentative report on the subject, of considerable length, and, it may be added, of much ability, concluding with proposing the passage of the following joint resolution, on the principle of which, the report states, the committee was unanimous: "Resolved, &c. That the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of said Constitution: "No Senator or Representative shall be appointed to any civil office, place, or emolument, under the authority of the United States, until the expiration of the Presidential term in which such person shall have served as a Senator or Re► presentative.” ́ The report and resolution having been read— Mr. DICKERSON, of N. J. inquired whether the committee had not agreed to recommend that the exclusion from office should apply not only to the time for which each Senator and Representative should be elected, but to one year thereafter? Mr. BENTON replied, that the committee had not agreed on the precise terms of the resolution, but only on points-on the substance, not on the form. On the principle reported, the committee were unani:nous: Mr. RANDOLPH said he liked the suggestion of the gentleman from New Jersey, and not the less, said he, because it agrees with one of high authority, Horace, whe says, "Nono prematur in anno." The resolution was then, on the motion of Mr. BENTON, read the second time, and made the special order of the day for next Monday week; and, on the motion of SENATE.] Negro Slavery in South America. [MARCH 2, 1826. Mr. HOLMES, 1,500 copies of the report and resolution | fore, though it is no very great time from this to Monday, were ordered to be printed. On motion of Mr. EDWARDS, of Conn. the Senate then proceeded to the consideration of Executive business, and continued with closed doors until four o'clock. THURSDAY, MARCH 2, 1826. NEGRO SLAVERY IN SOUTH AMERICA. The Senate took up for consideration the following resolution, submitted yesterday by Mr. RANDOLPH: "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before the Senate such information as may be in the possession of the Executive, touching the principles and practice of the Spanish American States, or any of them, late colonies of old Spain, in regard to Negro slavery." The resolution having been read, and the question being on its adoption yet, as that day is assigned to a special order on the amendment of the Constitution, I cannot consent-and I hope the gentleman will pardon me in saying so-I cannot consent, by my vote, to the postponement-deeming it equivalent to a rejection of the motion-though, if it be the pleasure of the Senate to decide against me, I shall submit to it, as I always do to the majority, I hope with decency-but without the slighest change in my opinion-as to the expediency of the course proposed. Sir, said Mr. R. I can say with a sincerity of heart that no man can question the truth of, that it is a matter to me of mortification and distress, that I have had so often, of late, imposed upon me, as I conceive, (whether truly or falsely,) the duty of throwing myself on the attention of this body. It has not been my habit elsewhere; it has not been my habit of late years more especially-Indeed, I have understood, since I took my seat in this body, that an imputation of a contrary nature-that I should be here an inactive member, a slothful public servant—was feared Mr. HAYNE, of South Carolina, said he had listened by some, even of my friends, and was the strongest with great attention, and certainly with much interest, to amongst the objections of those candid adversaries, who the eloquent remarks made by the gentleman from Vir- damn with faint praise-to my being here at all, and while ginia, (Mr. RANDOLPH,) yesterday, on the principles and I disclaim that motive, it is possible that I may be unconpolicy of the new States of South America, in relationsciously actuated by it. But, sir, under the circumstances to the slave question. It was a subject on which no one, in which I stand-in the place in which I stand-[Mr. R. coming from the part of the country which he represent- was standing in Mr. TazewELL'S place, who is absent on ed, could possibly be indifferent. The gentleman from account of family sickness]-in the situation in which the Virginia had given us a clear, and, doubtless, a very accu- State of Virginia is placed by the absence of my associate rate statement of the principles of these new States. Mr. and in which I am happy to say she is placing and has H. believed, that the facts connected with this subject placed herself in array-in array against this Government were notorious, and were as well known to the Senate -no, sir, not this Government, but the mal-administration now, as they could be from any communication the Exe- of it-it is under these circumstances that I have been, as cutive could make in answer to the call proposed in the I conceive, bound in duty to offer my, perhaps, crude gentleman's resolution. Whether the Proclamation, at-conceptions-but which have been as well concocted as tributed to the LIBERATOR, was genuine or not, this long and patient thought could digest them-to the atHouse and this Nation are not now to be informed that tention of this body. I know, sir, that the habit of frethe new Republics were marching under the banner of quently addressing this, or any other legislative body, universal emancipation. Mr. HAYNE was, therefore, in- but this body more especially-has a tendency to cheapen duced to doubt the necessity of calling on the President far greater talents than any that I possess, or ever laid for information which was already in their possession. claim to, and to impair the value even of the greatest abiCertainly such a call ought not to be made, unless there litics. I know, sir, that, in this body, which is in itself a was some reason to believe that it would furnish us with Congress, consisting of deputies from sovereign and insome facts with which we are not already acquainted. Mr. dependent States, co-ordinate and co-equal; where the HAYNE said, he did not rise to oppose the resolution, but least is equally on a footing with the greatest-where a merely to suggest the propriety of postponing the consi-State, which sends but one member to the other House, deration of it for a few days, in order to give time for is on a footing with one that sends forty, and on a footing further deliberation as to the necessity of acting upon it. there, too, under certain contingencies-foreseen and Having some doubts on that point, he hoped the gentle- provided for by the Constitution, that, for any individual man from Virginia would not object to the postponement member too frequently to obtrude himself on its attention, of the resolution to Monday next, which Mr. H. moved is fatal not only to any little reputation that he may have accordingly. happened to acquire in the course of his public life, but Mr. RANDOLPH then rose, and said, I had certainly what is of far more consequence-to his capacity to be not intended to have said one word more on the subject useful to the Power that sent him here. It is a wise and of this resolution, in case it should not meet with opposi-salutary jealousy on the part of the Senate. I know, sir, tion; and, as a matter of courtesy, certainly should acqui- that this is a body, above all others, in which they "shall esce in the request of the gentleman from South Carolina, not be heard for their much speaking;" in which "vain if there was any probability of getting the motion taken repetitions" do as little good as we know they will do in up on a day fixed for the proposed amendment of the another place; and yet, sir, circumstanced as I am, I am Constitution. But, at the same time, I hope that gentle- compelled not only to break through that rule of propriman will pardon me for saying that the fate of my reso-ety, which otherwise woukl restrain me, but to be guilty lution reminds me of a very favorite old Spanish pro- sometimes of those very "vain repetitions" also. May I verb of mine-for, although I am not very much smitten, hope to be pardoned for this, not only in consideration of or innoculated with the Spanish American fever, yet, the the peculiarity of my situation-of my condition-but in old Spanish proverbs are great and deserved favorites of consideration of a defect-whether of nature or of educamine, being perhaps the most pithy and pungent in the tion, it is perfectly immaterial-perhaps proceeding from world: it is this-save me from my friends and I will take both-a defect which has disabled me, from my first encare of my enemies. trance into public life, to the present day, to make what is called a regular speech-which, sir, like some other regular things, although constructed according to every rule of criticism, is sometimes extremely dull-not always convincing. There is no positive fault in the speech, or composition; the unities are all preserved-there is no I did not apprehend, said Mr. R. that any gentleman here would have raised any opposition to this resolution. Sir, this session is drawing to a close I hope: for it will very soon be time to plant corn. Under existing circumstances, I wish this resolution to be acted on now; there MARCH 2, 1826.] Negro Slavery in South America. [SENATE. fault to be found with it, but as to its general effect, which | to you, sir. I know what your answer will be. I know is a want of effect altogether. Sir, although I give to the what will be the answer of every husband, father, son, and subjects submitted to the Senate the most patient consi- brother, throughout the Southern States; I know that on deration; though I turn them, and re-turn them, over and this depends the honor of every matron and maiden-of eveover again, in my mind, yet when I come to utter the re-ry matron, (wife, or widow,) between the Ohio and the sults of that rumination, I am compelled to do so as an ir- Gulf of Mexico: I know that upon it depends the life's regular-rather as a partizan officer than according to the blood of the little ones, which are lying in their cradles, regular art military; as an improvisatore-that I believe is in happy ignorance of what is passing around them; and the name which the Italians give to those who speak, not not the white ones only: for shall not we too kill-shall without much previous thinking indeed, but without the we not re-act the scenes which were acted in Guatemala, book, or even without notes. Sir, in respect to these re- and elsewhere, except, I hope, with far different success; gular arguments, it has often struck me that they resem- for if, with a superiority, in point of numbers, as well as of ble, in more regards than one, the modern invention of a intelligence and courage, we should suffer ourselves to be, chain bridge which, provided the abutments and fixtures as there, vanquished-we should deserve to have negroes are perfectly strong, and provided there is no defective link for our task-masters, and for the husbands of our wives. in the whole chain-are amongst the finest and most useful This, then, is the inestimable object which the gentleman specimens of human ingenuity: but, sir, when we reverse from Carolina views in the same light that I do, and that you the proposition-when the abutments are not sufficient-do too, sir, and to which every Southern bosom responds: a and there is one single link which is defective—one is as chord, which, when touched, even by the most delicate good-as bad rather, as a thousand-that one is fatal to hand, vibrates to the heart of every man in our country. the whole structure, and souse down into the water comes I wish I could maintain, with truth, that it came within the unwary passenger, who trusts himself to the treacher- the other predicament-that it was a small danger-but it ous edifice. There are artists, indeed-and some of them is a great danger-it is a danger that has increased, is innot far off either-who have the skill to elaborate those creasing, and must be diminished, or it must come to its retechnical regular arguments of induction with such ex-gular catastrophe. quisite finish as to defy the eye, or even the touch of any Mr. President, within the last thirty years, or thereaman alive; but, while they puzzle and confound the un- bouts for I have been contemporary with the facts-a toderstanding, they can never convince it, because they tal change has taken place in public opinion, in Great lead us to such monstrous and frightful conclusions, that Britain-which always acts as possessing a common lanno fair exercise of that reasoning faculty which has been guage and almost a literature and laws in common, she given us by our Maker for our guide, can bring a plain must and she ought to act with great force on us-and in man to. Here is a case, in which, if it be not safe to certain other parts of other countries, which I shall not reason to conclusions, which perhaps is too much my ha- now designate, in reference to this question. There was bit; it is quite safe to reason from conclusions. Whenever a time, sir, when the advocates for the abolition of the any chain of reasoning, however learned and ingenious it Slave Trade found, in almost every bosom possessing commay be, leads to conclusions so monstrous as to offend mon humanity, and common sense, a friend. There were the common sense of mankind, I say that, although you some few, to be sure, old veteran Swiss of State, who, upmay not be able to detect in which link of the argument holding all administrations, and all abuses and corruptions, the defect is, yet you know, from the results to which it had gone more than knee deep in corruption-followers carries you, that it is radically defective-that there is a perhaps of Dundas, fellows of old George Rose, pledged something somewhere about it, although neither your eye five fathom deep in corruption-who still upheld that abonor your touch can detect it, that renders it radically de-mination. There were some few, indeed, of a very differfective and unworthy of trust; and if I were called on for an illustration, I could give it, and would give it, in the opinion of the Supreme Court in the case of Cohens against the State of Virginia. ent description. From my early childhood, all my feelings and instincts were in opposition to slavery in every shape; to the subjugation of one man's will to that of another; and from the time that I read Clarkson's celebrated Sir, I know there are gentlemen, not only from the pamphlet, I was, I am afraid, as mad-as Clarkson_himNorthern, but from the Southern States, who think that self. I read myself into this madness, as I have read mythis unhappy question for such it is of negro slavery self into some agricultural improvements; but, as with which the Constitution has vainly attempted to blink, by these last I worked myself out of them, so also I worked not using the term-should never be brought into public myself out of it. At the time, sir, that the abolition of the notice, more especially into that of Congress, and most es- Slave Trade was made piracy, and we had as good a right pecially, here. Sir, with every due respect for the gen- to make it treason, if the Constitution had not already detlemen who think so, I differ from them, toto calo. Sir, it fined treason-for it is as much treason as it is piracy-did I is a thing which cannot be hid-it is not a dry rot that you say as good a right?-I say you have the right-it has been can cover with the carpet, until the house tumbles about settled by practice here at least already-you can define your ears you might as well try to hide a volcano, in full treason by law-for what is the Constitution, opposed to operation-it cannot be hid-it is a cancer in your face, the established practice under it? what is the old version and must be treated secundum artem; it must not be tam-to this, which is only one of the new readings, longe emenpered with by quacks, who never saw the disease or the dutior, of the old edition of the Constitution? You have, in patient, and prescribe across the Atlantic; it must be, if a time of profound peace, suspended the privilege of the you will, let alone; but on this very principle of letting it writ habeas corpus-the personal-security-act-so far as a alone, it is that I have brought in my resolution. I am bill passed by the Senate could do it. I do not often agree willing to play what is called child's play-let me alone with William Cobbett, but I wish it had this name of perand I will yet you alone; let my resolution alone, and I will sonal-security-act, that the People might understand its say nothing in support of it: for there is a want of sense in say-real meaning and importance better than they seemed to ing any thing in support of a resolution that nobody opposes. Sir, will the Senate pardon my repeating the words of a great man, which cannot be too often repeated? A small danger menacing an inestimable object, is of more importance, in the eyes of a wise man, than the greatest danger which can possibly threaten an object of minor consequence. The question before us is, is this an object of inestimable consequence? I do not put the question do, when they gave their confidence to them that proposed and supported that suspension, in the teeth of an express constitutional prohibition. Then, the Society was got up, of which I was a most unworthy member; but, so far from keeping the faith, I have become a backslider; and whether I have left the Society, or the Society has left me, I cannot tell, and do not care. I had not much faith in it from the beginning; but I thought it a very desirable |