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uncertain, being governed by providence or subject to chances; and popular favor is very precarious, being sometimes lost as well as gained by good actions, so I do not depend on a continuance of my present happiness, and therefore shall not be surprised if, before my time of service expires, something should happen to diminish it.

These states in general enjoy peace and plenty. There have been some disorders in the Massachusetts and Rhode island governments; those in the former are quelled for the present; those of the latter, being contentions for and against paper money, will probably continue some time. Maryland too is divided on the same subject, the assembly being for it, and the senate against it. Each is now employed in endeavoring to gain the people to its party against the next elections, and 'tis probable the assembly may prevail. Paper money in moderate quantities has been found beneficial; when more than the occasions of commerce require, it depreciated and was mischievous; and the populace are apt to demand more than is necessary. In this state we have some, and it is useful, and I do not hear any clamor for more.

There seems to be but little thought at present in the particular states, of mending their particular constitutions; but the grand federal constitution is generally blamed as not having given sufficient powers to congress, the federal head. A convention is therefore appointed to revise that constitution, and propose a better. You will see by the enclosed paper that your friend is to be one in that business, though he doubts his malady may not permit his giving constant attendance. I am glad to see that you are named as one of a general assembly to be convened in France. I flatter myself that great good may accrue to that dear nation from the deliberations of such an assembly. I pray God to give it his blessing.

I sympathise with you and the family most sincerely, in the

great loss sustained by the decease of that excellent woman.' It must be indeed a heavy one. My best wishes attend those that remain, and that the happiness of your sweet domestic society may long continue without such another interruption.

I send herewith a volume of the transactions of our philosophical society for you, another for M. de Condorcet, and a third for the academy. The war had interrupted our attempts to improve ourselves in scientific matters, but we now begin to resume them.

The bearer of this is Mr. Paine, the author of a famous piece intitled Common Sense, published here with great effect on the minds of the people at the beginning of the revolution. He is an ingenious, honest man, and as such I beg leave to recommend him to your civilities. He carries with him the model of a bridge of a new construction, his own invention, concerning which I intended to have recommended him to Mr. Peyronnet, but I hear he is no more. You can easily procure Mr. Paine a sight of the models and drawings of the collection appertaining to the Ponts et Chaussées; they must afford him useful lights on the subject. We want a bridge over our river Skuylkill, and have no artist here regularly bred to that kind of architecture.

My grandsons are very sensible of the honor of your remembrance, and desire me to present their respects.

With the most sincere and perfect esteem and attachment, I am ever, my dear friend, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

* The Duchess D'Anville, mother of the Duke de la Rochefoucault.

TO THE MARQUIS DE CHASTELLEUX ;'

On receiving his Travels in the United States-Assembly of

DEAR SIR,

the notables.

Philadelphia, April 17, 1787. Your most pleasing letter, accompanied by the invaluable present of your journal, and translation of Colonel Humphrey's poem, came to hand but lately, though dated in June last. I believe they have been in the West Indies. They have given me a great deal of pleasure in the perusal, as every thing of yours always did. The portrait you have made of our country and people is what in painting is called a handsome likeness, for which we are much obliged to you. We shall be the better for it if we endeavor to merit what you kindly say in our favor, and to correct what you justly censure. I am told the journal is translated into English, and printed in one of the states, I know not which, not having seen the translation.

The newspapers tell us, that you are about to have an assembly of notables, to consult on improvements of your government. It is somewhat singular, that we should be engaged in the same project here at the same time; but so it is; and a convention for the purpose of revising and amending our federal constitution is to meet at this place next month. I hope both assemblies will be blessed with success, and that their deliberations and counsels may promote the happiness of both nations.

I FRANCOIS JEAN MARQUIS DE CHASTELLEUX, camp-marshal in the French army, and a member of the French academy, died at Paris October 24, 1788. He was of an illustrious family, to which he was an ornament by his military services and his literary works, of which the principal are, a Treatise on Public Happiness, 8vo. and Travels in North America in 1780,-1782, 8vo.

In the state of Pennsylvania, government, notwithstanding our parties, goes on at present very smoothly, so that I have much less trouble in my station than was expected. Massachusetts has lately been disturbed by some disorderly people; but they are now quelled. The rest of the states go on pretty well, except some dissensions in Rhode Island and Maryland respecting paper money. Mr. Paine whom you know, and who undertakes to deliver this letter to you, can give you full information of our affairs, and therefore I need not enlarge upon them. I beg leave to recommend him to your civilities. I have fulfilled all your commissions to the ladies here, who are much flattered by your kind remembrance of them. My family join in every sentiment of esteem and respect with, my dear friend, yours, most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

To MESSRS. THE ABBES CHALUT AND ARNAUD.

DEAR FRIENDS,

Philadelphia, April 17, 1787.

Your reflections on our situation compared with that of many nations of Europe, are very sensible and just. Let me add, that only a virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters.

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Our public affairs go on as well as can reasonably be expected after so great an overturning. We have had some disorders in different parts of the country, but we arrange them as they arise, and are daily mending and improving; so that I have no doubt but all will come right in time.

Yours,

B. FRANKLIN.

To M. LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

DEAR FRIEND,

Various matter.

Philadelphia, April 17, 1787. I received the kind letter you did me the honor of writing in February 1786. The indolence of old age, and the perpetual teasing of too much business, have made me so bad a correspondent, that I have hardly written a letter to any friend in Europe during the last twelvemonth: but as I have always a pleasure in hearing from them, which I cannot expect will be continued if I do not write to them, I again take up my pen, and begin with those whose correspondence is of the greatest value; among which I reckon that of the Marquis de la Fayette,

I was glad to hear of your safe return to Paris, after so long and fatiguing a journey. That is the place where your enlightened zeal for the welfare of our country can employ itself most to our advantage, and I know it is always at work, and indefatigable. Our enemies are as you observe very industrious in depreciating our national character. Their abuse sometimes provokes me, and I am almost ready to retaliate; but I have held my hand, though there is abundant room for recrimination; because I would do nothing that might hasten another quarrel by exasperating those who are still sore from their late disgraces. Perhaps it may be best that they should please themselves with fancying us weak, and poor, and divided, and friendless; they may then not be jealous of our growing strength, (which, since the peace, does really make rapid progress) and may be less intent on interrupting it.

I do not wonder that the Germans, who know little of free constitutions, should be ready to suppose that such cannot support themselves. We think they may, and we hope to

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