an establishment be estimated correctly, it would probably be found to amount to two hundred millions of dollars annually in the United States, an amount equivalent to about eight times the revenue of the general government, and sufficient to insure to every child raised in the United States the advantages of a thorough academical education. This array of figures is not urged as a meritorious argument in the premises, but is stated merely as the result of a system which is both theoretically and practically antagonistic to the vital interests of the American people. Other abuses have grown out of this system, which it is most desirable to correct; one of which is the unbridled defamation of men of all ranks, which is beginning to be allowed by the courts and practised by the hired sophisticators of the law. The sanctuary of private character should ever be held sacred by the government as well as by individuals. No offence will sooner provoke the fell resentment of mankind than this; and we hazard but little in predicting, that the proud spirit of our people will not long brook the presumptuous insolence which, under cover of the laws, and for the accomplishment of sinister views, unscrupulously assails the most unblemished reputations in the community which it has cost years of integrity and virtue to establish. And it is a consideration not less humiliating to the injured, that he is traduced by one who is himself incapable of appreciating that pride of character which he would fain destroy, and who is actuated only by the grovelling selfishness of his own venal ambition.

The chief reliance for the eradication of these evils must be upon the intelligence and patriotism of the American people, which have heretofore proved adequate to all the purposes of good government, and will ultimately triumph over whatever real ills or vices may have insinuated themselves into the body politic, or been incorporated with its organization. The evil we have attempted here to rebuke, being both venerable for its antiquity, and sanctioned by legal authority, has a strong hold upon the prejudices of mankind, and nothing less than a profound sense of its antirepublican and deleterious operation will be able to incite to the requisite vigor of action. The difficulty is still augmented by the fact, that the government and its functions are chiefly in the hands of those who are most interested in perpetuating the evil. Yet, as one of the most enlightened states of this confederacy has already laid hold of the pruning knife and inflicted upon it a mortal blow, we do not despair of seeing her wise example imitated by her sister states, and our happy America emancipated from this cumbersome appendage of a semi-barbarous and feudal age.

TO L. L. W.

I DEEMED not yet again to love
A mortal as I burn for thee;
I hoped from clime to clime to rove,
Wrapped in my thoughts like ocean free.

But thou art now part of my life,
Thou art as flame within my heart,
Though still I war, the hapless strife
But aids more firm to fix the dart.

Man never felt a love like mire,
'Tis deep and strong as ocean's flow;
The orbs that nightly o'er us shine,
Burn not with light of purer glow.

Mock not the heart that trusts in thee,
But be to it a guardian star,
That still shall beam with sympathy
Whatever be the worldly war.

My heart is proof against all fear

Of what may chance in world like this;

But tender words and looks appear
Like spirits from the realms of bliss.

They melt the heart hate cannot move,
They thaw the ice around is cast,
And purer feelings loosened rove
Amid its dreams of love so vast.

So still beam on with joyous light

That still doth thrill my being through;

Mock not-like meteor of the night,

With gleams so wild-they hide the true.

And I will fold in love so warm'

Thy heart, grown old with grief and care,

That it shall laugh at every storm,

And mock at all that fortune dare.

TO THE SAME.

I cannot throw my heart upon my tongue
To tell my full o'erflowing love;
The proud soul's curse is o'er me flung,
I cannot speak what most doth move.

BRITISH ARROGANCE.

A LATE saucy debate in the British House of Commons, in which, not merely irresponsible members of that body, but also a cabinet minister, stood up in their places and uttered, though in more moderate language, yet the same inveterate sentiments on the subject of the debts of the American States, which we so long have had to listen to from newspaper scribblers, has earned and received some notice from the press of this country; and we propose to avail ourselves of the moment when public attention is drawn to this topic, to explain, by historical facts, for the benefit of our American readers, the true character of British faith in the matter of their national finance. This debate was on the 6th of July. Lord George Bentinck, a personage whose fame, if he has any, has not reached this side of the water, but who is occasionally mentioned, if we mistake not, in the English journals, as a turf character, and a young England man, a joint of Mr. D'Israeli's tail, (though, perhaps, he is another person altogether,) presented a petition from holders of Spanish bonds, which are in a very drooping state, and in the course of his remarks made a dull poke at debtor states generally, quoting Captain Truck's author, Vattel, in support of the position he grandly assumed, of England's right and duty to MAKE all such pay their dues, and showing that Spain, the proprietor of an island called Cuba, yielding a revenue of more than nine millions sterling, and guarded only by nine thousand soldiers, (but one man to each thousand guineas, a temptation truly,) encounters a very considerable risk when she omits to pay so well-armed a creditor as that Christian country, which the author of Vivian Grey and his friends aspire to instruct. Lord George, who, we dare say, is a very well-meaning man, and who does not appear to be an official person, is at perfect liberty, just as the newspapers are, to say what he pleases; but we would advise, if this speech be a specimen of his genius, that he intermit his study of the law of nations and borrow a copy of Vivian Grey. His lordship's noble friend, Lord Palmerston, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whom he was glad to see return to his seat, and than whom "England never had a minister of more determination in asserting the rights of the country, and demanding by force, if necessary, the payment," &c., then arose and delivered himself of an harangue, which, coming from a cabinet officer, is worth the remark it has excited. After a prefatory column or two, in the course of which he made special allusion to us, and among other things said, "The North American states really are able to pay, and have no excuse for not paying the demands against them." "Sir, I should hope that the North American states will not wait until an example is set by their South American brethren, but that they will previously have wiped from their history that blot, which must be considered as a stain upon their national character." (Hear, hear). "I take this opportunity," continued the warlike lord, "of reminding governments, who may be debtors to the British people, that the time may come when this house can no longer sit patiently under the wrongs and injustice inflicted upon the subjects of this country. (Cheers.) That the time may come when the British nation may no longer see, with the same tranquillity, £150,000,000 due to

English subjects, the principal and interest of which are alike unpaid; and that if more proper efforts adequately to fulfil their engagements are not made, the government of this country, whoever may be the men who compose it, may be compelled by public opinion, aye, and by the votes of Parliament, to deviate from the hitherto established practice, and to insist upon the payment of these debts. (Cheers.) Sir, that we have the means to do so, I do not, for one moment, dispute. It is not that we are afraid of any of these states, or of one or all of them put together, that we have abstained from taking the steps which my noble friend has urged upon us. I trust that we shall always have the means of obtaining justice from any country on the face of the earth, and also of compelling them to discharge their just obligations to us; and therefore let no foreign country that has done a wrong to British subjects, deceive itself by the false impression that the British nation and the British Parliament will forever remain acquiescent and passive under the wrong; OR THAT WHENEVER THEY CALL UPON THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO INTERFERE AND ENFORCE THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, THE GOVERNMENT WILL NOT HAVE AMPLE MEANS AND POWER TO OBTAIN FOR THEM A FULL MEASURE OF JUS

TICE." (Loud cheers.) Now we do not know to what precise extent the British Government answers for Lord Palmerston's eloquence, or even how far he is responsible for it himself, and how much of it may be set down merely to the colicky habit of the individual; but it strikes us that such language, coming from an organ of the government, stands in need of grave international explanation. A few years since England thought proper to go quite into hysterics only because Mr. Pickens, no member of the government, or even an adherent of the administration, made a crusty report upon British relations to the House of Representatives; what then English indignation would not be, if in answer to a call of a member of the Senate or House, Mr. Buchanan should let go such official intemperances as these, we leave to Mr. Buchanan to consider. To us it seems that there is in it a spirit of insolence that ought to be taken down. We may shrug our shoulders and smile at Lord George Bentinck or at Mr. Hume-old Mr. Hume, the calculator, we suppose-who says, in the same debate, that he “regretted the conduct of the repudiating North American States, which had very much shaken his good opinion of that country,"* for their givings out are not more to the purpose than those of the newspapers; but if men in place are held to weigh their words, as well as their actions, then we should like to know whether Lord Palmerston, when he uncorked these vials of wrath and froth, did it for his own amusement simply, or whether they give us the sentiments of the British government; for if they do, then there is no use of our compromising away a part of Maine to-day and part of Oregon to-morrow to buy our peace and a quiet life, when all this casus belli remains behind. As to Lord George Bentinck's captivating arithmetic about Cuba, if Lord Palmerston means to adopt that among the other inspirations of his noble friend, we will only say, in passing, that we are prepared, without waiting to hear from Washington, and there is not a quaker in the country that is not, to assure him, that the day they move to lay their hands on Cuba, we shall most inevitably fall to zero in Mr. Hume's good opinion, by means of a complete suspensionof our debtor relations to the island of Great Britain, under a process which his friend, Lord George's familiarity with Vattel, will easily suggest. Let the people in England fume and fret, and fill their newspapers with

Could any conceit but an Englishman's have so turned a sentence? The old gentleman's good opinion of 20 millions of people!!