JULY, 1850.]

Committee of Arrangements.

[31ST CONG.

body. I shall endeavor to apply the parlia- | and the fierce collisions of conflicting opinions, mentary law as it is laid down in the books, In these respects he was the admirable protoupon every occasion, believing, as I honestly type of the hero of Buena Vista. do, from long experience and observation, that it is promotive of the harmony of the body and of sound legislation. Should I err, I look to my brother Senators, in a spirit of kindness, to correct my errors. To such corrections I shall always submit with the greatest pleasure.

Committee of Arrangements.

With such a father, and under the influences of the society and circumstances by which General Taylor was surrounded in his boyhood, it would have been indeed strange had he grown up without a strong predilection for military life. Fortunately for his own fame, fortunately for the glory of his country, in youth he put on the armor of a soldier. What followed is wellknown history, and needs no repetition here. A grateful country, penetrated by a deep conviction of the intuitive sagacity and ele

Mr. WEBSTER. Mr. President, the joint committee of the two Houses, appointed yesterday to make arrangements for the funeral of the late President of the United States, have as-vated patriotism of General Taylor, united with sembled this morning, and, as far as practicable, have agreed upon a report, which I am directed to present to the Senate. I hope the Senate will adopt that report in part; for there are still remaining some subordinate arrangements to be attended to by the committee.

military achievements of unsurpassed splendor, and a personal character for truth and honesty without a superior, made him Chief Magistrate. The providence of God has terminated his earthly career, during this the first session of Congress since his inauguration. His father was permitted to live and take an efficient part in accomplishing those measures which relieved Kentucky from the threatened horrors of civil war. The son has been taken hence to the world of spirits, before those agitating questions which now excite Congress and the people, and threaten the destruction of the Government, have been settled. Mysterious Providence! There were thousands and hundreds of thousands of our countrymen, who looked for help in this time of need to the unbending in

Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. President, the report just made having brought up again to the attention of the Senate the death of the late President of the United States, and being absent yesterday when the gentleman from Louisiana | (Mr. Downs) made his eloquent and appropriate address, and offered his resolutions upon that subject that absence having been occasioned by the fact that I was appointed as one of the committee on the part of the Senate to wait upon Mr. FILLMORE, to make arrangements preparatory to his taking the oath of office-Itegrity and firmness of purpose which ever throw myself upon the indulgence of the Senate, and beg permission to make a few remarks.

I was among the earliest to advocate the election of General Taylor, and, in common with a very large majority of the people of my State, gave him a most cordial support. He had been raised among us. His character was formed and developed by associations with the pioneers of the western wilderness; with those who encountered the difficulties and privations of settling and improving the most fertile region of the globe; and who, almost unaided by Government, relying exclusively upon their own individual resources and energies, successfully resisted the persevering efforts of numerous hordes of warlike savages to expel them from the country. His father, Richard Taylor, a soldier of the Revolution, was eminently qualified to infuse into the mind of his son those sentiments of ardent patriotism and lofty heroism which pervaded all classes with whom Zachary Taylor associated when a boy. Well do I remember that father; for I was associated with him in the Legislature of Kentucky, at a time when questions of constitutional law deeply agitated the entire State, and when rancorous and bitter politicians threatened the public peace, and dared to talk of bloodshed. I remember how conciliatingly, how calmly, and yet how firmly, that father demeaned himself amidst the storms of debate

characterized our late President. God has taken from them this staff of their reliance. It will be manifested in time whether, the measure of General Taylor's honors and usefulness being full and overflowing, he was removed by the Ruler of the Universe to give place to those equally or better able to calm political dissensions, and to extricate the country from impending dangers, or whether the awful judgments of God are to rest upon us for national sins, and for the want of that wisdom and spirit of conciliation which have heretofore enabled such men as Zachary Taylor to secure national prosperity and happiness. Whatever purposes of the Deity the future may unfold, the present is a day of mourning; and certain I am that no portion of our extensive country will feel more sensibly the general bereavement than the State in which our dead and yet unburied Chief Magistrate spent the morning of his life. Kentucky will long remember and mourn for him as one of her own sons, and as the commander who led her McKee, her Clay, her Hardin, her Barbour, her Willis, and a host of her less distinguished children, to the glorious sacrifice of life, to secure the triumph of their country.

And while we sympathize and condole with the family of the great and good man gone from earth forever, let us indulge the hope that his bright example will be of immense value to succeeding generations, and that his spirit with

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill for the admission of California as a State into the Union, to establish Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico, and making proposals to Texas for the settlement of her western and northern boundaries.

Mr. BUTLER, having the floor, resumed and concluded his remarks commenced on Tuesday last.

Mr. CLAY rose, after a brief pause, and said: Mr. President if there is no other gentleman disposed to speak, I hope we shall take up the amendments and act upon them.

[31ST CONG. amendment of Mr. FOOTE, proposing to reduce the boundaries of California

The PRESIDENT. It has been printed.

Mr. CLAY. Mr. President, it is known to the Senate that it has been my hope and expectation that we should dispose of all the amendments either proposed or to be proposed to the bill, and that upon the question of its engrossment I intended, with the permission of the Senate, to occupy some portion of its time in taking a rapid review of some of the objections that have been made to the adoption of the measure under consideration, and then to submit it into those hands in which, by the constitution of the country, the responsibility is placed. The events of Saturday, of which we possess information, deprived us of the opThe PRESIDING OFFICER. There is no amend-portunity of employing that day in the conment before the Senate. Several amendments sideration of those amendments which were have been laid upon the table, but there have intended to be submitted, or were yet before been none offered. the Senate. But as some rather impatient anxiety has been manifested to arrive at the conclusion of this important subject-an anxiety in which, to some extent, I share with others-I have risen this morning to perform a duty toward the committee and to the subject which my position prompts me to endeavor to

Mr. CLAY. Then the question will be on reporting the bill to the Senate.

MONDAY, July 22.

The PRESIDENT pro tem. laid before the Senate the following communication from the Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, which was read:

WASHINGTON, July 22, 1850.

To the Hon. WM. R. KING,
President pro tem. of the Senate of the United
States:

execute.

Mr. President, in the progress of this debate it has been again and again argued that perfect tranquillity reigns throughout the country, and that there is no disturbance threatening its peace, endangering its safety, but that which was produced by busy, restless politicians. It SIR: I have to request that you will lay before has been maintained that the surface of the the Senate the accompanying copy of a communi- public mind is perfectly smooth and undiscation addressed by me to the Governor of Masturbed by a single billow. I most heartily

sachusetts.

With the highest regard, I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

DANIEL WEBSTER. WASHINGTON, July 22, 1850. To his Excellency GEO. N. BRIGGS,

Governor of Massachusetts: SIR: I have to inform you that I have been appointed Secretary of State for the United States, and that my seat in the Senate will be vacant from this day.

I have the honor to be, with regard, your Excellency's obedient servant,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

The Compromise Bill-Mr. Clay's Great Speech -Danger to the Union-His Noble Devotion to the Union-His Paternal Vindication of the Truth of History in Relation to the Missouri Compromise.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill; and the pending question being on the

and WHEELER, who immediately conducted the Baltimore authorities to the City Hall, and thence to the Funeral Procession. The Mayor of Washington and the Mayor of Baltimore rode to the burying ground in the same carriage. After the Funeral Ceremonies, the Baltimore authorities dined with the Mayor and Corporate authorities of this city, at Brown's Hotel, where a handsome entertainment was provided. Although the occasion of the visit forbade

wish I could concur in this picture of general tranquillity that has been drawn upon both sides of the Senate. I am no alarmist; nor, I thank God, at the advanced age at which His providence has been pleased to allow me to reach, am I very easily alarmed by any human event; but I totally misread the signs of the times, if there be that state of profound peace and quiet, that absence of all just cause of apprehension of future danger to this confederacy, which appears to be entertained by some other Senators. Mr. President, all the tendencies of the times, I lament to say, are towards disquietude, if not more fatal consequences. When before, in the midst of profound peace with all the nations of the earth, have we seen a convention, representing a considerable portion of one great part of the Republic, meet to deliberate about measures of future safety in connection with great interests of that quarter of the country? When before have we seen, not one, but more-some half a dozen-legis

any social festivity, the exchange of mutual civilities and courtesies was characterized by the kindest feelings. The Baltimore guests of the Washington Corporation, amongst whom was the President of the Baltimore and Washington Railroad Company, the President of the Baltimore Board of Health, and the President of the Baltimore Board of Aldermen, returned to their homes in the extra train that started at half-past seven o'clock.

1ST SESS.]

The Compromise Bill.

[JULY, 1850.

large portion of that committee consisted of gentlemen who had honorably served their country in the highest stations at home and abroad-men of ripe experience, and whose large acquaintance with public affairs entitled them at least to respectful consideration when they were engaged in the holy office-if I may use the expression-of trying to reconcile the discordant parts of this distracted country.

lative bodies solemnly resolving that if any one | respect to the humble person who now adof these measures-the admission of California, | dresses you, I may be permitted to say that a the adoption of the Wilmot proviso, of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, -should be adopted by Congress, measures of an extreme character, for the safety of the great interests to which I refer, in a particular section of the country, would be resorted to? For years, this subject of the abolition of slavery, even within this District of Columbia, small as is the number of slaves here, has been a source of constant irritation and disquiet. It has been objected against this measure So of the subject of the recovery of fugitive that it is a compromise. It has been said that slaves who have escaped from their lawful it is a compromise of principle, or of a prinowners; not a mere border contest, as has been ciple. Mr. President, what is a compromise? supposed-although there, undoubtedly, it has It is a work of mutual concession-an agreegiven rise to more irritation than in other por- ment in which there are reciprocal stipulations tions of the Union-but every where through -a work in which, for the sake of peace and the slaveholding country it has been felt as a concord, one party abates his extreme demands great evil, a great wrong which required the in consideration of an abatement of extreme intervention of Congressional power. But these demands by the other party; it is a measure two subjects, unpleasant as has been the agita- of mutual concession-a measure of mutual tion to which they have given rise, are nothing sacrifice. Undoubtedly, Mr. President, in all in comparison to those which have sprung out such measures of compromise, one party would of the acquisitions recently made from the Re- | be very glad to get what he wants, and reject public of Mexico. These are not only great what he does not desire, but which the other and leading causes of just apprehension as re- party wants. But when he comes to reflect spects the future, but all the minor circum-that, from the nature of the Government and stances of the day intimate danger ahead, what-its operations, and from those with whom he ever may be its final issue and consequence.

Mr. President, I will not dwell upon other concomitant causes, all having the same tendency, and all well calculated to awaken, to arouse usif, as I hope the fact is, we are all of us sincerely desirous of preserving this Union -to rouse us to dangers which really exist, without underrating them upon the one hand, or magnifying them upon the other.

It was in this stage, or state, rather, of the Republic, that my friend from Mississippi, (Mr. FOOTE,) something more than four months ago, made a motion for the appointment of a committee of thirteen. Unlike what occurred at an analogous period of the Republic, when it was my duty to make a similar motion in the other end of the Capitol, and when, on account of the benefits which might result from the reconciliation of a distracted country, the proposition was immediately adopted-on the present occasion, unlike what occurred at that historical period, the proposition of the honorable Senator from Mississippi was resisted from day to day, from week to week, for four or five weeks. An experiment to restore the harmony of the country met with the most determined and settled resistance, as if the measures which the committee might report, whatever might be its character, would not still be under the power and control of the Senate, to be disposed of by it according to its own best judgment. Finally, however, the motion prevailed. Well, the committee was finally raised and went out. Of its composition it does not become me to speak, nor is it necessary to say any thing. The country, the Senate will judge of that. Without, however, saying a word in

is dealing, it is necessary upon his part, in order to secure what he wants, to grant something to the other side, he should be reconciled to the concession which he has made, in consequence of the concession which he is to receive, if there is no great principle involved, such as a violation of the Constitution of the United States. I admit that such a compromise as that ought never to be sanctioned or adopted. But I now call upon any Senator in his place to point out from the beginning to the end, from California to New Mexico, a solitary provision in this bill which is violative of the Constitution of the United States.

Sir, adjustment in the shape of compromise may be made without producing any such consequences as have been apprehended. There may be a mutual forbearance. You forbear upon your side to insist upon the application of the restriction denominated the Wilmot proviso. Is there any violation of principle there? The most that can be said, even assuming the power to pass the Wilmot proviso, which is denied, is that there is a forbearance to exercise, not a violation of, the power to pass the proviso. So, upon the other hand, if there was a power in the Constitution of the United States authorizing the establishment of slavery in any of the Territories-a power, however, which is controverted by a large portion of this Senate-if there was a power under the constitution to establish slavery, the forbearance to exercise that power is no violation of the constitution, any more than the constitution is violated by a forbearance to exercise numerous powers that might be specified that are granted in the constitution, and that re

JULY, 1850.]

The Compromise Bill.

and he has shown himself to be the friend of the peace of his country-during the progress of this measure, and also with other Democratic friends upon this measure. Repeatedly have I been in consultation with them upon the subhave been proposed. I regret only that our consultations have not been more numerous and of longer duration. But how stands the matter with us, with the friends of this bill? On the subject of slavery, the treatment of California, the Territories, the adjustment of the boundary of Texas, the fugitive slave bill, and the bill for abolishing the slave-trade, there is no difference of opinion between my Democratic friends whom I have consulted and myself; but there has been perfect union during all our consultations. Allow me to say that there is not a solitary instance in which a subject connected with party politics, upon which we might have heretofore differed in the progress of the administration of our Government, has been adverted to. We spoke of that measure which absorbed all our thoughts, which engrossed all our hopes, which animated all our anxieties-the subject of pacifying, if pos sible, the distracted parts of this country-a subject upon which, between us, there was a perfect coincidence of opinion.

[31ST CONG, main dormant until they come to be exercised | much apparent self-satisfaction? (Laughter.) by the proper legislative authorities. It is said Sir, I have been in repeated consultation with that the bill presents the state of coercion-my friend (Mr. CASS)-for so I will call him, that members are coerced in order to get what they want, to vote for that which they disapprove. Why, sir, what coercion is there? Is there any coercion in the numerous treaties made by the United States-the treaty in settling the Maine boundary; the treaty com-ject of this bill and the amendments which ing down from 54° 40′ to 49° in Oregon; all treaties which have been made upon commerce, upon boundaries, and other questions from time to time by the United States upon the principles of mutual and reciprocal concession on the part of those who made them? Is there any more coercion in this case than in the passage of a bill containing a variety of provisions, some of which you approve and others of which you disapprove? Can it be said upon the part of our northern friends, because they have not got the Wilmot proviso incorporated in the territorial part of the bill, that they are coerced-wanting California, as they do, so much -to vote for the bill, if they do vote for it? Sir, they might have imitated the noble example of my friend (Mr. COOPER) from that State upon whose devotion to this Union I place one of my greatest reliances for its preservation. What was the course of my friend upon this subject of the Wilmot proviso? He voted for it; and he could go back to his constituents and say, as all of you could go back and say to your constituents, if you chose to do so, "We wanted But how does the matter stand with the exthe Wilmot proviso in the bill; we tried to get tremes who are united against this measure? it in, but the majority of the Senate was against Why, they are extremes upon this very meas it." The question then came up whether we ure, and upon this very subject of slavery! should lose California, which has got an inter- Upon the very subject under consideration diction in her constitution, which, in point of there is among them no union of sentiment, no value and duration, is worth a thousand Wil- coincidence of opinion, and yet a most cordial mot provisoes; we were induced, as my honor- and confidential co-operation. In our meetings able friend would say, to take the bill and the upon this subject, in our consultations, Demowhole of it together, although we were disap-crats and Whigs convened and consulted topointed in our votes with respect to the Wil-gether. They threw aside, as not germane, mot proviso-to take it, whatever omissions may have been made, on account of the superior amount of good it contains.

and as unworthy of their consideration, all the agitating party politics of the day, and I venture to say that, in those meetings between my Democratic friends and myself, there was no diversity or contrariety of opinion upon the only subject that brought us together. If I am not utterly mistaken, there are no such union and coincidence of opinion between the opponents of this bill, who, upon the very subject of slavery to which it relates, are as wide apart as the north and south poles.

Why, Mr. President, incongruous as it may be supposed, this measure has not half the incongruity of the elements of opposition to the bill. While upon this part of my subject, allow me to answer an argument delivered with all possible self-complacency by the honorable Senator near me (Mr. HALE) the other day. He said he had gone into a certain apartment of this Capitol, and there he had found my friend But, Mr. President, I am not only fortified from Michigan (Mr. CASS) and myself in close in my convictions that this will be the salutary conversation; and the Senator from Mississippi and healing effect of this great plan of com(Mr. FOOTE) with a Senator now no longer in promise and settlement of our difficulties, but I his place, but a Senator called by a grateful am supported by the nature of man and the country to a more responsible station, and who truth of history. What is that nature? Why, has left us only this morning, (Mr. WEBSTER.) sir, after perturbing storms a calm is sure to I might have inquired how the Senator came follow. The nation wants repose. It pants there. May I ask to what keyhole he applied for repose, and entreats you to give it peace his ear or his eye-in what curtain he was and tranquillity. Do you believe, when the ensconced-to hear and perceive these astonish-nation's Senators and the nation's Representaing circumstances, which he narrated with so tives, after such a continued struggle as we