consequence more formidable) real tories can often with much less difficulty obtain very high favours from the government, than their reputed brethren can arrive to the lowest in ours. I observe this with all possible submission to the wisdom of their policy; which, however, will not, I believe, dispute the praise of vigilance with

ours.

WHIG account.

To persons promoted to bishoprics, or removed to more beneficial ones, computed per

I shall conclude with this observation, that as I think the tories have sufficient reason to be fully satisfied with the share of trust, power, and employments, which they possess under the lenity of the present government; so, I do not find how his excellency can be justly censured for favouring none but high church, highflyers, termagants, laudists, sacheverellians, tiptopgallantmen, jacobites, tantivies, antihanoverians, friends to popery and the pretender and to arbitrary power, disobligers of England, breakers of DEPENDENCY, iuflamers of quarrels between the two nations, public incendiaries, enemies to

the king and kingdoms, haters of TRUE protestants, laurelmen, annists, complainers of the nation's poverty, ormondians, iconoclasts, antiglorious-memorists, antirevolutioners, white-rosalists, tenth-ajunians, and the like; when, by a fair state of the account, the balance, I conceive, seems to lie on the other side.

AN ANSWER

TO THE

CRAFTSMAN OF DEC. 12, 1730.

ON A VERY INTERESTING SUBJECT RELATIVE TO IRELAND.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED THE CRAFTSMAN ITSELF.

THE CRAFTSMAN. NO. 232.

Saturday, Dec. 12, 1730.

THE following article, which has lately appeared in the newspapers, deserves our immediate consideration,

viz.

They write from Dublin, that an officer from every regiment in the French service is arrived there, in order to raise recruits for their respective corps; which is not to be done in a clandestine manner, as formerly (when several persons suffered death for it) but publicly. These gentlemen are to disperse themselves into the several counties, where they have the best interest; and a field officer is ready to reside constantly at Dublin, to hear all complaints, which may be made by any of the recruits against their officers; and also to prepare for sending them off. Count BROGLIO has been soliciting an or der to this purpose, these two years."

When I first read this account in the public prints, I looked upon it as a common picce of false intelligence, and was in full expectation of seeing it contradicted in the next day's papers, according to frequent custom; but, having since heard it confidently affirmed to be true (although I can hardly yet believe it, especially as to every part) the duty which I owe my country, and my zeal for the present establishment, oblige me to take some notice of an affair, which I apprehend to be of very great importance to both.

It will be necessary, in the first place, to give the reader a short account of the nature of these troops, as they are now established in France.

They consist, as we have been informed, of one regiment of horse, and five regiments of foot, all doubly or trebly officered; so that they are of themselves a very considerable body of men.

But their number is the least point to be considered in this affair. There are other circumstances, which render these troops infinitely more formidable to Great Britain. They are not only all Roman catholics, but the most dangerous of that communion with respect to us, I mean Roman catholic subjects of our dominions; many of whom have been obliged to fly their native country, on account of rebellions and conspiracies in which they have been engaged; and all of them devoted by inclination, by interest, by conscience, by every motive human and divine, to the service of the pretender, in opposition to the protestant succession in his majesty's royal family.

To this we may add, that they are generally esteemed the best forces in the French service; that they have always behaved themselves as such in the late wars; and are commanded by officers of approved courage, aş well as great skill and experience in military affairs.

It is said likewise, that the sergeants, corporals, and private men are so well seasoned to danger, and expert in their duty, that, by a gradual promotion, they could furnish officers for a very formidable army, in case of any sudden invasion or insurrection.

In the next place, it will not be improper to examine this affair with regard to our laws.

It is made felony, by act of parliament in Ireland, for any subject of that kingdom to enlist himself, or to enlist others, in the service of any foreign state: and it is well known that multitudes of poor wretches have suffered death upon that account.

We know it may be said, that a power is reserved to his majesty, by a clause in that act, to dispense with it, by granting any foreign prince a license to raise forces in his dominions, and indemnifying his subjects from the penalties of the law.

Although it is far from my intention to dispute any of his majesty's legal prerogatives, or to call the wisdom of the legislature in question, yet I must take the liberty to observe, that such powers have been sometimes granted out of complaisance to the crown, that the prince's hands may not be absolutely tied up, and in full confidence that they will never be exerted but for the benefit of this nation, or possibly of some protestant ally, upon great emergencies of state. The exercise of the prerogative, in these cases, is therefore merely a prudential part, which is left to the discretion of the prince and his ministers, who ought always to be supposed the best judges of these affairs; and therefore how ridiculous would it be to send to the attorney general for his opinion in such a case, who can be a competent judge of nothing but the legality of it, and whether the affair be actionable or not; but ministers ought to regulate their