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cities, no desolated fields, no smoking ruins, no streams of American blood shed by American arms!

I have been accused of ambition in presenting this measure. Ambition! inordinate ambition! If I had thought of myself only, I should have never brought it forward. I know well the perils to which I expose myself; the risk of alienating faithful and valued friends, with but little prospect of making new ones, if any new ones could compensate for the loss of those whom we have long tried and loved; and the honest misconceptions both of friends and foes. Ambition! If I had listened to its soft and seducing whispers; if I had yielded myself to the dictates of a cold, calculating, and prudential policy, I would have stood still and unmoved. I might even have silently gazed on the raging storm, enjoyed its loudest thunders, and left those who are charged with the care of the vessel of state, to conduct it as they could. I have been heretofore often unjustly accused of ambition. Low, groveling souls, who are utterly incapable of elevating themselves to the higher and nobler duties of pure patriotismbeings, who, forever keeping their own selfish aims in view, decide all public measures by their presumed influence on their aggrandizement-judge me by the venal rule which they prescribe to themselves. I have given to the winds those false accusations, as I consign that which now impeaches my motives. I have no desire for office, not even the highest. The most exalted is but a prison, in which the incarcerated incumbent daily receives his cold, heartless visitants, marks his weary hours, and is cut off from the practical enjoyment of all the blessings of genuine freedom. I am no candidate for any office in the gift of the people of these States, united or separated; I never wish, never expect to be. Pass this bill, tranquilize the country, restore confidence and affection in the Union, and I am willing to go home to Ashland, and renounce public service forever. I should there find, in its groves, under its shades, on its lawns, amid my flocks and herds, in the bosom of my family, sincerity and truth, attachment, and fidelity, and gratitude, which I have not always found in the walks of public life. Yes, I have ambition; but it is the ambition of being the humble instrument, in the hands of Providence, to reconcile a divided people; once more to revive concord and harmony in a distracted land—the pleasing ambition of contemplating the glorious spectacle of a free, united, prosperous, and fraternal people!

THE COMPROMISE TARIFF (CONTINUED).

IN SENATE, MARCH 1, 1833.

[A BILL to enforce the federal laws in South Carolina had become a law. Hence the propriety of the healing measure of the Compromise Tariff. The following concluding remarks of Mr. Clay on this important measure, though few, are worthy of record.]

MR. CLAY then said a few words in reference to this bill, and the euforcing bill, both of which he considered that it was necessary to send forth, as well to show that the laws must be executed, as that there is a disposition to make concessions. He stated, that on the subject of the government's being a compact, he principally agreed with the senator from South Carolina, but with some difference as to the character of the right conferred by that compact. He did not adopt the opinion, that there had been any advance made in usurpation of powers by the general government. He then went into a view of the history of this system, to show that, twelve or thirteen years ago, there was no opposition raised against the power of Congress to protect domestic industry. The opposition on constitutional grounds had subsequently grown up. He then stated that, in his opinion, no State could so practically construe the Constitution as to nullify the laws of the United States, without plunging the country into all the miseries of anarchy. He said that he adhered to the doctrines of that ablest, wisest, and purest of American statesmen, James Madison, who still lives, and resides in Virginia-the doctrines which were advanced by him in 1799. The answer of that distinguished man to the resolutions of the other States, and his address to the people, effected a sudden revolution of public opinion. The people rallied around him; the alien and sedition laws were repealed; and the usurpations of the general government were arrested. He viewed the government as federative in its origin, in its character, and in its operation, and under the clause of the Constitution which gives to Congress power to pass all laws to carry into effect the granted powers, they could pass all necessary laws. He hoped that the effect of this bill would conciliate all classes and all sections of the Union.

He did not arrogate any merit for the passage of this bill. He had cherished this system as a favorite child, and he still clung to it, and

should still cling to it. Why had he been reproached? He had come to the child and found it in the hands of the Philistines, who were desirous to destroy it. He wished to save and cherish it, and to find for it better and safer nurses. He did not wish to employ the sword, but to effect his object by concession and conciliation. He wished to see the system placed on a securer basis, to plant it in the bosoms and affections of the people. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, who had learned his views of the system from the senator from South Carolina, had spoken of him as the pilot who was directing the vessel. If it was so, he would ask if she had been secured by a faithful crew? If all had been faithful, he believed there would have been no danger in assailing the system. He assailed no one; he merely defended himself against the reproaches of others.

Another motive with him was to preserve the Union. He feared he saw hands uplifted to destroy the system; he saw the Union endangered; and in spite of all peril which might assail himself, he had determined to stand forward and attempt the rescue.

He felt himself pained exceedingly in being obliged to separate on the question, from valued friends, especially from his friend from Massachusetts, whom he had always respected, and whom he still respected. He then replied to the argument founded on the idea that the protective principle had been abandoned by this bill. He admitted that protection had been better secured by former bills, but there was no surrender by this. He considered revenue as the first object, and protection as the second. As to the reduction of the revenue, he was of opinion that there was an error in the calculations of gentlemen. He thought that, in the article of silks alone, there would be a considerable reduction. The protection to the mechanic arts was only reduced by the whole operation of the bill to twenty-six per centum, and he did not know that there would be any just ground for complaint, as some of the mechanic arts now enjoy only twenty-five per

centum.

The argument of the senator from New York (Mr. Wright) was against the bill, but he was happy to find his vote was to be for it. If his argument brought other minds to the same conclusion to which it had brought his, the bill would not be in any danger. He would say, save the country; save the Union; and save the American system.

ON PRESIDENT JACKSON'S VETO OF THE

LAND BILL.

IN SENATE, DECEMBER 5, 1833.

[MR. CLAY'S Land Bill had passed both Houses of Congress, on the 1st of March, 1833, by majorities sufficiently large to make it a law against the president's veto, or to make it probable that such would be the result of such a contingency. But General Jackson did not return the bill, but put it in his pocket for future use. On the 4th of March of this year, the Twentysecond Congress ceased to exist, and with it expired the first term of General Jackson's presidency. Consequently, it was impossible that General Jackson, who entered on his second term of office as a newly-elected president, the 4th of March, 1833, or that the Twenty-third Congress which came in on that day, could either of them constitutionally enter on any unfinished business of the Twenty-second Congress. Nor could the Twenty-third Congress take it up, except de novo. The Constitution prescribes, that a bill which has passed both Houses of Congress, if not approved by the president, shall be returned by him in ten days to the House in which it originated, with his reasons. But the same Senate which originated Mr. Clay's Land Bill did not exist after the 3d of March, 1833. The bill, therefore, was evidently dead, and General Jackson killed it by retaining it in his pocket, and not returning it to the Senate of the Twenty-second Congress. Nevertheless, General Jackson, a new president, being in his second term, sent back the bill to the new Senate of the Twenty-third Congress, with his reasons for disapproving it. He took a dead carcass, murdered by his own hand, and flung it on the floor of the Senate of the United States!

The retaining of the bill was an unwarranted assumption of power, which would have been tolerated in no man except General Jackson; and throwing it at the Senate of the Twentythird Congress was an insult to that body, which could not entertain, and which had no right to touch it. It would have

been equally proper to send it to one of the Houses of the British Parliament, as neither they nor either House of the Twentythird Congress had any constitutional connection with it. It was dead also in General Jackson's hands, after the 3d of March, 1833, as the only term of its vitality was ten days after it was handed to the president, during which term, if the same Congress had continued, and the same president been in the chair, it should have been approved, or returned with a veto; or if neither approved nor returned, it would pass into law sub silentis. If, however, Congress adjourns before ten days, it can not become a law; and if the president neither approves nor returns it before the adjournment that happens within ten days, it is of course dead. The Twenty-second Congress, however, did not adjourn in this case; but it expired on the 3d of March, which might possibly raise the question, whether the bill, not having been approved or returned, did not become a law; but it could not raise the question, whether General Jackson, in his second term of office, had any right to touch it. If the bill did not become a law in consequence of his neglect of it during his first term, it was dead.

All these things were perfectly well known to General Jackson, and yet he pocketed the bill, and returned it to the Senate of the Twenty-third Congress, a new body, himself a newlyelected president, and therefore not the same official to whom the bill was sent, although the same person.]

THIS measure had been first introduced into Congress at the session before the last, under circumstances which must be within the recollection of every member of the Senate. Its object was, to dispose of the proceeds of the public lands for a limited time. The subject had been greatly discussed not only in Congress, but throughout the country. The principles and provisions of the bill were well and generally understood. The subject had attracted the attention of the chief magistrate himself, and this bill was made the subject of commentary in his message at the commencement of the last session of Congress. It must, therefore, be considered as a subject perfectly well understood by the president, for it was not to be supposed that he would have commented upon it, and recommended it to the attention of Congress, if it had not been understood. During the last session, this bill, which had previously been before the House, was introduced in this body, and was passed, and sent to the other House, whence it was returned with a slight amendment, taking away the discretion which had been vested in the State Legislatures as to the disposal of the proceeds. This bill, which had been before Congress the session before the last,

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