lantic. The lazy posts of that day brought it in nearly three months to New London, in Connecticut; and it was printed in the newspaper of that village. May had not shed its blossoms, before the words of Barré were as household words 1765. Feb. 6. in every New England town. Midsummer saw them circulate through Canada, in French; and the continent rung from end to end with the cheering name of the SONS OF LIBERTY. But, at St. Stephen's, the members only observed that Townshend had received a heavy blow. The opponents of the measure dared not risk a division on the merits of the question, but about midnight, after a languid debate of seven hours, Beckford moved an adjournment, which Sir William Meredith seconded; and, though they were aided by all those interested in West Indian estates, it was carried against America, by two hundred and forty-five to forty-nine. Conway and Beckford alone were said to have denied the power of parliament; and it is doubtful how far it was questioned even by them. While this debate was proceeding, faith in English liberty was conquering friends for England in new regions. The people of Louisiana, impatient of being transferred from France, would gladly have exchanged the dominion of Spain for that of England. Officers from West Florida reached Fort Chartres, preparatory to taking possession of the country, which was still delayed by the discontent of the Indians. With the same object, Croghan and a party descended the Ohio from Pittsburg. A plan was formed to connect Mobile and Illinois. The governor of North Carolina believed that, by pushing trade up the Missouri, a way to the great western ocean would be discovered, and an open trade to it be established. So wide was the territory, so vast the interests, for which the British parliament was legislating! 13. On the seventh of February, Grenville, Lord North, Feb. 7 & and Jenkinson, with others, were ordered to bring in a stamp bill for America, which on the thirteenth was introduced by Grenville himself, and read the first time without a syllable of debate. Among the papers that were to be stamped, it enumerated the several instruments used in the courts of episcopal jurisdiction; for he reasoned that one day such courts might be established in America. On the fifteenth, merchants trading to Jamaica offered a petition against it, and prayed to be heard by counsel. "No counsellor of this kingdom," said Fuller, formerly chief justice of Jamaica, "would come to the bar of this house, and question its authority to tax America. Were he to do so, he would not remain there long." It was the rule of the house "to receive no petition against a money bill;" and the petition was withdrawn. 1765. Feb. Next, Sir William Meredith, in behalf of Virginia, presented a paper, in which Montague, its agent, interweaving expressions from the votes of the assembly of the Old Dominion, prayed that its house of burgesses might be continued in the possession of the rights and privileges they had so long and uninterruptedly enjoyed, and might be heard. Against this, too, the same objection existed. But Virginia found an advocate in Conway. Indignant at his recent dismissal from the army, as he rose in opposition to Grenville, his cheeks flushed, and he was tremulous from emotion. "Shall we shut our ears," he argued, "against the representations which have come from the colonies, and for receiving which we, with an affectation of candor, allotted sufficient time? For my own part, I must declare myself just as much in the dark as I was the last year. My way of life does not engage me in intercourse with commercial gentlemen, or those who have any knowledge of the colonies. I declare, upon my honor, I expected, as a member sitting in this house, in consequence of the notice given, to receive from the colonies information by which my judgment might be directed and my conduct regulated. The light which I desire, the colonists themselves alone can give. The practice of receiving no petitions against money bills is but one of convenience, from which, in this instance, if in no other, we ought to vary; for from whom, unless from themselves, are we to learn the circumstances of the colonies, and the fatal consequences that may follow the imposing of this tax? The question regards two millions of people, none of whom are represented in parliament. Gentlemen cannot be serious when they insist even on their being virtually represented. Will any man in this house get up and say he is one of the representatives of the colonies?" 1765. Feb. "The commons," said Gilbert Elliot, "have maintained against the crown and against the lords their right of solely voting money without the control of either, any otherwise than by a negative; and will you suffer your colonies to impede the exercise of those rights, untouched as they now are by the other branches of the legislature ?" "Can there be a more declared avowal of your power," retorted Conway, "than a petition submitting this case to your wisdom, and praying to be heard before your tribunal against a tax that will affect them in their privileges, which you at least have suffered, and in their property, which they have acquired under your protection? From a principle of lenity, of policy, and of justice, I am for receiving the petition of a people from whom this country derives its greatest commerce, wealth, and consideration." In reply, Charles Yorke entered into a very long and most elaborate defence of the bill, resting his argument on the supreme and sovereign authority of parliament. With a vast display of legal erudition, he insisted that the colonies were but corporations; their power of legislation was but the power of making by-laws, subject to parliamentary control. Their charters could not convey the legislative power of Great Britain, because the prerogative could not grant that power. The charters of the proprietary governments were but the king's standing commissions; the proprietaries were but his hereditary governors. The people of America could not be taken out of the general and supreme jurisdiction of parliament. The authority of Yorke was decisive: less than forty were willing to receive the petition of Virginia. A third from South Carolina; a fourth from Connecticut, though expressed in the most moderate language; a fifth from Massachusetts, though silent about the question of "right," - shared the same refusal. That from New York no one could be pre vailed upon to present. That from Rhode Island, offered by Sherwood, its faithful agent, claimed by their charter, under a royal promise, equal rights with their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, and insisted that the colony had faithfully kept their part of the compact; but it was as little heeded as the rest. The house of commons would neither receive petitions nor hear counsel. All the efforts of the agents of the colonies were fruitless. "We might," said Franklin, "as well have hindered the sun's setting." The tide against the Americans was irresistible. "We have power to tax them," said one of the ministry, "and we will tax them." "The nation was provoked by American claims of legislative independence, and all parties joined in resolving by this act to settle the point." Within doors, less resistance was made to the act than to a common turnpike bill. “The affair passed with so very little noise that in town they scarcely knew the nature of what was doing." On the twenty-seventh, the house of commons sent up the stamp act to the house of lords. In that body, Rockingham was silent; Temple and Lyttelton both approved the principle of the measure, and the right asserted in it. Had there existed any doubt concerning that right, they were of opinion it should then be debated, before the honor of the legislature was engaged to its support. On the eighth 17658. of March, the bill was agreed to by the lords, without having encountered an amendment, debate, protest, division, or single dissentient vote. The king was too ill to ratify the act in person. To a few only was the nature of his affliction known. At the moment of passing the stamp act, George III. was crazed; so, on the twenty-second of March, it received the royal assent by a commission. The sovereign of Great Britain, whose soul was wholly bent on exalting the prerogative, taught the world that a bit of parchment bearing the sign of his hand, scrawled in the flickering light of clouded reason, could, under the British constitution, do the full legislative office of the king. Had he been a private man, his commission could have given validity to no instrument whatever. It was thought "prudent to begin with small duties and taxes, and to advance in proportion as it should be found the colonies would bear." For the present, Grenville attempted nothing more than to increase the revenue from the colonial post-office by reducing the rate of postage in America. His colleagues desired to extend the mutiny act to America, with power to billet troops on private houses. Clauses for that purpose had been strongly recommended by Gage. They had neither the entire conviction nor the cordial support of Grenville; so that they were introduced and carried through, by the secretary at war, as a separate measure. In their progress, provincial barracks, inns, alehouses, barns, and empty houses were substituted by the merchants and agents for private houses; but there remained a clause to compel the colonies to furnish the troops with various articles; and the sums needed for the purpose were required to be raised in such manner as the public charges for the province are raised." Thus the billeting act contained, what had never before been heard of, a parliamentary requisition on the colonies. 1765. 66 Bounties were at the same time granted on the imApril. portation of deals, planks, boards, and timber from the plantations. Coffee of their growth was exempted from an additional duty; their iron might be borne to Ireland; their lumber to Ireland, Madeira, the Azores, and Europe south of Cape Finisterre; the prohibition on exporting their bar iron from England was removed; the rice of North Carolina was as much liberated as that of South Carolina; and rice might be warehoused in England for reexportation without advancing the duties. It was further provided that the revenue to be derived from the stamp act should not be remitted to England, but constitute a part of the sum to be expended in America. Grenville also resolved to select the stamp officers for America from among the Americans themselves. The friends and agents of the colonies were invited to make the nominations; and they did so, Franklin among the rest. "You tell me," said the minister, "you are poor, and |