CHAPTER III.

THE EXPLORATION OF OHIO. PELHAM'S ADMINISTRATION

1749. July.

CONTINUED.

1749-1750.

THE world had never witnessed colonies with institutions so free as those of America; but this result did not spring from the intention of England. On the twelfth of July, 1749, all the ministers of state assembled at the board of trade, and deliberated, from seven in the evening till one the next morning, on the political aspect of the plantations. The opinions of Sir Dudley Ryder and William Murray were before them. They agreed that "all accounts concurred in representing New Jersey as in a state of disobedience to law and government, attended with circumstances which manifested a disposition to revolt from dependence on the crown. While the governor was so absolutely dependent on the assembly, order could not possibly be restored." And they avowed it as their "fundamental" rule of American government, that the colonial officers of the king should have "some appointment from home." Such was "their fixed maxim and principle." The English ministry viewed it as a narrow question, relating to a subordinate branch of executive administration: America knew that it involved for the world all hope of establishing the power of the people.

...

The agents of the American royalists continued indefatigable in their solicitations. They had the confidential advice of Murray, who instructed them how best to increase their influence with the ministry. To this end they also fomented a jealous fear of "the levelling principles which had crept into New York and New Jersey," and which were believed to prevail in New England and Pennsylvania. "Drink Lord Halifax in a bumper," were the words of

Clinton, as he read his letters from England; "though I durst say," he added, "the rest are as hearty." Especially the Duke of Bedford, on the first day of November, promised Clinton vigorous support in maintaining the king's delegated authority. The secretary was in earnest; and for the rest of his life remained true to his promise, not knowing that he was the dupe of profligate cupidity.

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In a document designed for the eye of Halifax, Colden hastened to 'confirm the purpose. Of popular sway "the increase in the northern colonies was immeasurable." Royalty would have in New York but "the outward appearance of authority, till a governor and "proper judges" should receive "independent salaries.' "I do not imagine," he wrote in November, 1749, "that any assembly will be induced to give up the power, of which they are all so fond, by granting duties for any number of years. The authority of parliament must be made use of, and the duties on wine and West India commodities be made general for all North America." "The ministry," he added, "are not aware of the number of men in North America able to bear arms, and daily in the use of them. It becomes necessary that the colonies be early looked into, in time of peace, and regulated." Morris, the chief justice of New Jersey, interested in lands in that province, and trained by his father to a zeal for aristocratic ascendency, was much listened to. As a source of revenue, William Douglas in Boston, a Scottish physician, publicly proposed "a stamp duty upon all instruments used in law affairs;" but the suggestion had nothing of novelty. In 1728, Sir William Keith had advised extending, "by act of parliament, the duties upon parchment and stamps, to America ; and, eleven years later, the advice had been repeated by merchants in London, with solicitations that won for the proposition the consideration of the ministry.

The indefatigable Shirley, who had not prevailed with the more reasonable Pelham, became the eulogist and principal adviser of Cumberland, of Bedford, and of Halifax. Should Massachusetts reduce his emoluments, he openly threatened to appeal to "an episcopal interest, and make

himself independent of the assembly for any future support." The public mind in that province, especially in Boston, was earnestly inquiring into the active powers of man, to deduce from them the right to uncontrolled inquiry, as the only security against religious and civil bondage. Of that cause the champion was Jonathan Mayhew, offspring of purest ancestors, "sanctified" from childhood, a pupil of New England's Cambridge. "Instructed in youth," thus he spoke of himself," in the doctrines of civil liberty, as they were taught by such men as Plato, Demosthenes, Cicero, and others, among the ancients, and such as Sydney and Milton, Locke and Hoadly, among the moderns, I liked them; and having learned from the holy Scriptures that wise, brave, and virtuous men were always friends to liberty, that God gave the Israelites a king in his anger, because they had not sense and virtue enough to like a free commonwealth, and that where the Spirit of the Lord is there is liberty, this made me conclude that freedom is a great blessing." From early life, Mayhew took to his heart the right of private judgment, clinging to it as to his religion; truth and justice he revered as realities which every human being had capacity to discern; the duty of each individual to inquire and judge he deduced from the constitution of man, and held to be as universal as reason itself. At once becoming revolutionary, he scoffed at receiving opinions because our forefathers had embraced them; and, pushing the principle of Protestantism to its universal expression, he sent forth the American mind to do its work, disburdened of prejudices. The ocean which it had crossed had broken the trail of tradition, and it was now to find its own paths and make for itself a new existence.

In January, 1750, the still youthful Mayhew, him1750. self a declared "volunteer" in the service, instinctively alarmed at the menaced encroachments of power, summoned every lover of truth and of mankind to bear a part in the defensive war against "tyranny and priestcraft.” He reproved the impious bargain "between the sceptre and the surplice;" he preached resistance to "the first small beginnings of civil tyranny, lest it should swell to a

torrent and deluge empires." "The doctrines," he cried, "of the divine right of kings and non-resistance are as fabulous and chimerical as the most absurd reveries of ancient or modern visionaries." "If those who bear the title of civil rulers do not perform the duty of civil rulers, if they injure and oppress, they have not the least pretence to be honored or obeyed. If the common safety and utility would not be promoted by submission to the government, there is no motive for submission; " disobedience becomes "lawful and glorious," "not a crime, but a duty." His words were addressed to the multitude from the pulpit and through the press. The ablest citizens of Boston received the doctrine, and delighted in the friendship of the bold and fervid teacher.

The words of Mayhew were uttered at a time when "the plantations engaged the whole thoughts of the men in power," who were persuaded that all America was struggling to achieve a perfect legislative independence, and that New Jersey at least was in a state of rebellion. At a great council in February, 1750, the board of trade was commanded to propose such measures as would restore and establish the prerogative, in its utmost extent, throughout the colonies. "Bedford, the lords of trade, the privy council,” all had American affairs "much at heart," and resolved to give ease to colonial governors and "their successors for ever." The plea for the interposition of the supreme legislature was found in the apprehension that a separate empire was forming. "Fools," said the elder proprietary, Penn, "are always telling their fears that the colonies will set up for themselves;" and their alarm was increased by Franklin's plan for an academy at Philadelphia. Fresh importunities succeeded each other from America; and, when Bedford sent assurances of his purpose to support the royal authority, he was referred by the crown officers of New York to the papers in the office of the board of trade, relating to Hunter, who, from 1710 to 1714, had struggled in that province for the prerogative. Under the sanction of that precedent, Clinton urged, in March, that "it was absolutely necessary to check the insolence of faction by a

powerful interposition;" and he advised imposts on wine and West India produce. "These, if granted by parlia ment, would be sufficient for supporting the civil list; if made general over all the colonies, they could be in no shape prejudicial to trade." He insisted that the proposition - contained its own evidence of being for the service of the king. "This province," he repeated, in April, "by its example, greatly affects all the other colonies. Parliament, on a true representation of the state of the plantations, must think it their duty to make the royal officers less dependent on the assemblies, which may be easily done by granting to the king the same duties and imposts that, in the plantations, are usually granted from year to year."

Neither Bedford, nor Halifax, nor Charles Townshend, could, of a sudden, overcome the usages and policy of more than a half-century; but new developments were easily given to the commercial and restrictive system. That the colonies might be filled with slaves, who should neither trouble Great Britain with fears of encouraging political independence, nor compete in their industry with British workshops, nor leave their employers the entire security that might prepare a revolt, liberty to trade- saddest concession of freedom-to and from any part of Africa, between Sallee, in South Barbary, and the Cape of Good Hope, was, in 1750, extended to all the subjects of the king of England; but for the labor of free men new shackles were devised.

America abounded in iron ore; its unwrought iron was excluded by a duty from the English market; and its people were rapidly gaining skill at the furnace and the forge. In February, 1750, the subject engaged the attention of the house of commons. To check the danger of American rivalry, Charles Townshend was placed at the head of a committee, on which Horatio Walpole, senior, and Robert Nugent, afterwards Lord Clare, a man of talents, yet not free from "bombast and absurdities," were among the associates. After a few days' deliberation, he brought in a bill which permitted American iron, in its rudest forms, to be imported duty free; but, now that the nailers in the colonies could afford spikes and large nails cheaper than the

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