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The return of the courier to Spain was not waited for. On the seventeenth, Gerard, one of the secretaries of Vergennes, informed Franklin and Deane that the king in council had determined not only to acknowledge the United States, but to support their cause; and in case England should declare war against France on account of this recognition, he would not insist that the Americans should not make a separate peace, but only that they should maintain their independence. The American commissioners answered: "We perceive and admire the king's magnanimity and wisdom. He will find us faithful and firm allies. We wish with his majesty that the amity between the two nations may last forever;" and both parties agreed that good relations could continue between a monarchy and a republic.

The French king promised, in January 1778, three millions of livres; as much more, it was said, would be remitted by Spain from Havana. But the Spanish government, while it was devoted to the union between the crowns of France and Spain, adhered as yet to the policy of avoiding a rupture with England. To Count Montmorin, then French ambassador at Madrid, Florida Blanca said, with warmth: "Your court is disposed to treat with the Americans; war will result from it, and the war will have neither an object for its beginning nor a plan for its end.” *

Correct reports from Versailles reached Leopold of Tuscany and Joseph of Austria. "The women and the enthusiasm of the moment," so predicted the latter to his brother before the end of January, "putting the ministers in fear of losing their places, will determine them to make war on the English; and they could commit no greater folly." While "the two greatest countries in Europe were fairly running a race for the favor of the Americans," the question of a French alliance with them was discussed by Vergennes with the Marquis d'Ossun, the late French ambassador in Madrid, as the best adviser with regard to Spain, and the plan of action was formed. Then these two met the king at the apartment of Maurepas, where the plan, after debate, was finally settled. Maurepas, at heart opposed to the war, loved ease and popular*Count Montmorin to Vergennes, Madrid, 5 January 1778. MS.

ity too well to escape the sway of external opinion; and Louis XVI. sacrificed his own inclination and his own feeling of justice to policy of state and the opinion of his advisers. So, on the sixth of February, a treaty of amity and commerce and an eventual defensive treaty of alliance were concluded between the king of France and the United States on principles of equality and reciprocity, and for the most part in conformity to the proposals of congress. In commerce each party was to be placed on the footing of the most favored nation. The king of France promised his good offices with the princes and powers of Barbary. As to the fisheries, each party reserved to itself the exclusive possession of its own. Accepting the French interpretation of the treaties of Utrecht and of Paris, the United States acknowledged the right of French subjects to fish on the banks of Newfoundland, and their exclusive right to half the coast of that island for drying-places. On the question of ownership in the event of the conquest of Newfoundland the treaty was silent. The American proposal, that free ships give freedom to goods and to persons, except to soldiers in actual service of an enemy, was adopted. Careful lists were made out of contraband merchandises. The absolute and unlimited independence of the United States was described as the essential end of the defensive alliance; and the two parties mutually engaged not to lay down their arms until it should be assured by the treaties terminating the war. Moreover, the United States guaranteed to France the possessions then held by France in America, as well as those which it might acquire by a future treaty of peace; and, in like manner, the king of France guaranteed to the United States their present possessions and acquisitions during the war from the dominions of Great Britain in North America. A separate and secret act reserved to the king of Spain the power of acceding to the treaties. Within forty-two hours of the signature of these treaties of commerce and alliance the British ministry received the news by a special messenger from their spy in Paris, but it was not divulged.

On the eleventh, Hillsborough asked of the duke of Richmond, "in what manner he meant that England should crouch to the vipers and rebels in America? By giving up the sacred

right of taxation? or by yielding to her absurd pretensions about her charters? or by declaring the thirteen provinces independent?" Richmond answered: "I never liked the declaratory act; I voted for it with regret to obtain the repeal of the stamp-act; I wish we could have done without it; I looked upon it as a piece of waste paper that no minister would ever have the madness to revive; I will, with pleasure, be the first to repeal it or to give it up." In this mood Richmond sought harmony with Chatham. On the same day, in the house of commons, George Grenville attacked the administration in the harshest terms, and pointed out Lord Chatham as the proper person to treat with America. The very sincere and glowing words of eulogy spoken by the son of the author of the stamptax were pleasing to Lord Chatham in these his last days.

While the British government stumbled in the dark, Franklin placed the public opinion of philosophical France conspicuously on the side of America. No man of that century so imbodied the idea of toleration as Voltaire; for fame he was unequalled among living men of letters; for great age he was venerable; he, more than Louis XVI., or the cabinet of the king, represented France of that day; and he was come up to Paris, bent with years, to receive before his death the homage of its people. Wide indeed was the difference between him and America. But for the moment they were in harmony; and, before he had been a week in Paris, Franklin claimed leave to wait upon him. We have Voltaire's account of the interview. Franklin bade his grandson demand the benediction of the more than octogenarian, and, in the presence of twenty persons, he gave it in these words: "GOD AND LIBERTY!" Everywhere Voltaire appeared as the friend of America. Being in company where the wife of Lafayette was present, he asked that she might be brought to him, kissed her hand, and spoke to her the praises of her husband and of the cause in which he served.

Almost simultaneously, Lord North, on the seventeenth of February, made known to the house of commons the extent of his conciliatory propositions. Of the two bills, one declared the intention of the parliament of Great Britain not to exercise the right of imposing taxes within the colonies of North

America, the other authorized commissioners to be sent to the United States. In a speech of two hours, Lord North avowed that he had never had a policy of his own. He had never proposed any tax on America; he had found the tea-tax imposed, and, while he had not moved its repeal, he never devised means to enforce it; the commissioners would have power to treat with congress, with provincial assemblies, or with Washington; to order a truce; to suspend all laws; to grant pardons and rewards; to restore the constitution as it stood before the troubles. "A dull, melancholy silence for some time succeeded to the speech. It had been heard with profound attention, but without a single mark of approbation to any part of it from any party or man in the house. Astonishment, dejection, and fear overclouded the assembly." After the house of commons had given leave to bring in the bills, Hartley, acting on an understanding with Lord North, enclosed copies of them to Franklin. Franklin, with the knowledge of Vergennes, answered: "If peace, by a treaty with America, upon equal terms, is really desired, your commissioners need not go there for it. If wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the bishop of St. Asaph, and yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with France."

The conciliatory bills, which with slight modifications became statutes by nearly unanimous consent, confirmed the ministry in power. The king of France, from regard to his dignity, made a formal declaration to Great Britain of his treaties with the United States. British ships-of-war had captured many French ships, but the ministry had neither communicated the instructions under which their officers acted, nor given heed to the reclamations of the French government. The rescript, which on the thirteenth of March was left by the French ambassador with the British secretary of state, announced that "the United States of North America are in full possession of independence, which they had declared on the fourth of July 1776; that, to consolidate the connection between the two nations, their respective plenipotentiaries had signed a treaty of friendship and commerce, but without any exclusive advantages in favor of the French nation. The king is determined to pro

tect the lawful commerce of his subjects, and for that purpose has taken measures in concert with the United States of North America."

This declaration established a state of war between England and France. The British ambassador was immediately recalled, and the recall notified to the French ambassador. Lord North became despondent, and professed a desire to make way for Lord Chatham. The king on the fifteenth answered: “On a clear explanation that Lord Chatham is to step forth to support you, I will receive him with open arms. I will only add, to put before your eyes my most inmost thoughts, that no advantage to my country nor personal danger to myself can make me address myself to Lord Chatham, or to any other branch of opposition. I would rather lose the crown I now wear, than bear the ignominy of possessing it under their shackles. You have now full power to act, but I don't expect Lord Chatham and his crew will come to your assistance." Fox would have consented to a coalition, had it been agreeable to his friends. Shelburne answered instantly: "Lord Chatham must be the dictator. I know that Lord Chatham thinks any change insufficient which does not comprehend a great law arrangement and annihilate every party in the kingdom." The king, when this reply was reported to him, broke out with violence: "Lord Chatham, that perfidious man, as dictator! Nothing shall bring me to treat personally with Lord Chatham. Experience makes me resolve to run any personal risk rather than submit to a set of men who certainly would make me a slave for the remainder of my days."

After a night's rest, the king wrote with still more energy: "No consideration in life shall make me stoop to opposition. I will rather risk my crown than do what I think personally disgraceful. If the nation will not stand by me, they shall have another king; for I never will put my hand to what will make me miserable to the last day of my life."

On the seventeenth the king communicated to parliament the rescript of the French ambassador. In the commons Conway said: "What have we to do but, with fairness and manliness, to take up the idea that Franklin has thrown out?" Among the lords, Rockingham advised to break the alliance

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