H. OF R.] Extension of the Pension Laws. [JAN. 30, 1834 tinually urged, by British emissaries, to the commission the socket, be left alone to the "cold charity of the world" of the most brutal outrages. I have given this sketch to satisfy the honorable member from Rhode Island, and the House, that in no point of view can this long and protracted war be deserving of the character he has seen proper to bestow upon it. His youth and manhood, that vigorous portion of existence which, in these times, men devote to boarding up frag, were, by him, passed in the constant and arduous servic: of his country. It may be said that this is but a single instance, and the If at any period it had assumed a predatory character, the provisions of the resolution are general. Sir, the the fault was in the Government, and not the inhabitants brief sketch would represent the claims of a majority of of the frontier. They were left alone to defend them- those benefited by the ultimate success of the principie selves against the public enemy, and, at the same time, by contained in the resolution. The instance I have girers their own labor and exertions to procure the necessaries far from being solitary. It is, in reality, the history of ae of life for the subsistence of their families. It is well culiar body of men, whose services cannot be obliterat known, that, after the treaty of peace with Great Britain by time; who, regardless of personal peril, seeking no in 1783, the Government could control neither men nor dividual advantage, dared every thing in a most harr means; and, consequently, these people were compelled ous cause. Mr. Speaker, did they effect nothing? Th for some years to defend the lives and property of all fought amid a wilderness, boundless in extent; they fough around them, as they best could, from their own re-for a wilderness; they succeeded; the result is known all. That wilderness is now peopled by more than Frr Sources. I have aimed in my remarks, sir, at nothing more than millions of rational and intelligent beings, as happy, a the performance of an act of simple justice to the surviv-free, as generous, and as brave, as the sun ever sh ing representatives of former days, so unjustly or unfeel-down upon. The eye is every where greeted with m ingly denounced as robbers and plunderers! ing and beautiful farms, with flourishing villages; in t midst, cities have risen; and over all, law and order, lights of revealed religion, and the blessings of civil E ty, prevail. Whether the resolution shall ultimately prevail, or not, I hope their services at least may be regarded in a proper light. By their valor, their constancy, their unshaken fortitude, a title to the whole wide-spread country of the Sir, it is for the surviving patriarch, whose toils. West was secured. In giving protection to an extensive brought so rich a harvest to others, that some little frontier, of which they constituted the only means of suc-mento of national gratitude is now asked. It is not song cor and defence, every danger, every privation, every for robbers and plunderers. The gentleman from Rh toil was encountered without murmur or complaint. Island knows them not: from nothing on earth could they Year after year, they freely suffered; their only reward, be more remote. Wanton aggression and unlicensed * the warm and heartfelt prayer of the lonely woman and lage stain not the history of their lives. Their devets. her offspring, acknowledging their preservation from cap-love of liberty was united to a singleness of heart and tivity, violation, and death. simplicity of manner, that might vie with the shepherd old, "watching his flocks on Chaldea's hills." I have (said Mr. H.) in my possession the petition of John Ritchie, one of these men, now upwards of 64 years Mr. H. said that, before concluding, he wished to b old, who, from the age of 16, was constantly engaged in stow a few observations on the amendment offered by a the service of his country; he went, throughout his whole honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BoUIDIS,F campaign, with Colonel Logan; he fought in, and was one posing to abolish all pension laws. Throughout the ent of the few who fortunately escaped from, the disastrous discussion of the question, this amendment, in reality action at the junction of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's, legitimate subject of debate, had been totally overloch generally known as the defeat of General Harmar; he was until the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. PINTEST with the five hundred picked men who performed one of had raised it from the condition of deep apathy to whe the boldest tours on record against the Indians, under the common consent had apparently consigned it. To the command of General Charles Scott, that chivalric hero of honorable gentleman [Mr. PINCKNEY] it was indebted almost a hundred fields, with whose name history at least at least the active portion of its existence; for at the associates no ideas of robbery and plunder! This same ment of its first appearance in this breathing work!," individual was afterwards with the first force that ever had seemingly fallen still-born into the hands of the Cleri penetrated to the upper Wabash, under General Wilkin- without, so far as he (Mr. H.) recollected, even a showd son, and was present at the destruction of the Wea towns; fatherly fondness from the honorable mover of this urfand, sir, he finally followed the steps of Anthony Wayne tunate and ill-conceived bantling. Notwithstanding'' throughout the whole of his memorable and glorious cam- neglect of the natural protector, however, the imp paign, concluded by the treaty of Greenville in 1795. been so far resuscitated as to chirp in the fostering a Years afterwards, when the Government again required of its late fond nurse. the services of her citizens in the field, this man, although The policy and the justice of that amendment are alk advanced in life, was amongst the first of the gallant and beyond my comprehension. Even a well-founded reas" patriotic Kentuckians who so freely flocked to her stand for its adoption is more than I can imagine; no suggests ard. He was at the siege of Fort Meigs, and, if my recol- of necessary economy can be brought in aid of the pro lection of the events of his life serve me right, although it sition. No national debt hangs over us; no national peca is not stated in his petition, an honorable and highly distin- niary embarrassment of any nature or character whatsoe guished gentleman on this floor from Kentucky, [Colonel er. Is the Government, then, so poor that she cannot pas Richard M. Johnson,] one distinguished alike by his pre-tinis slight acknowledgment of gratitude for services re eminent civil and military services on every occasion so dered in a cause that has been sanctified beyond all others cheerfully and efficiently rendered his country, can bear by its result upon the happiness and liberties of mankis individual testimony to the gallant conduct of my old We have thousands to give annually for the improveme friend in that field, where, by the defeat and death of the and repairs of Pennsylvania Avenue; we have thousand most justly celebrated man of all their warriors, the In- give for trimming the bushes and turning the wal dian power in the West was finally and forever broken. around this building; thousands to make "Gouse cl I allude to the battle of the Thames. once, the Tiber now," flow in a direction something' In declining age he now finds himself a prey to pover-ferent from what nature intended it; thousands to " ty; a constitution broken, and health enfeebled by early for innumerable other purposes of about equal importa hardships, disable him from ordinary agricultural labor. to the country; but not one cent to those who fought: Sir, should such a man, as life wanes lower and lower in make that country free. v. 30, 1834.] The Pension Laws-Removal of the Deposites-Appropriation Bill. [H. or R. Mr. WAYNE opposed the concurrence, and went into an argument to show that the conferees had transcended their power. He appealed, in support of his views, to works on parliamentary law. What, sir, strike out the pension act! When you do when you efface it from the statute book, blot out at e same time from the history of your country the name every consecrated field on which these veterans fought, ether of victory or disaster. Do it, sir! erase the one, Mr. CLAYTON declined urging any question of order, t leave no vestige of the other. Let not posterity be but reprobated the compromise as being, in fact, a purt to blush, that we sedulously preserved the record of chase by money of the point for which the House had conose glorious fields, but consigned to poverty and misery tended. e individuals who had rendered them immortal. Shall Mr. SUTHERLAND supported the report, and went tell the gallant mariner, who has borne our flag in tri- into a variety of precedents to show that the committee ph over every sea, that hereafter, when worn down acted with full authority in modifying the bill as they had d unfit for service, he will be cast aside unnoticed, un- done. garded; the country he has so fondly loved, so proudly fended, with millions in her treasury, will leave him, e neglected victim of age, disease, and poverty commed? For myself, I cannot concur in such sentiments: patrism alone forbids the thought; and it is to be hoped that e justice and the generosity of this House will forever eclude it. My vote shall never deny to him, who aided her in establishing or defending the Union and the libties of this republic, a just reward, sufficient to render sy his declining years. He had no fear, however, that the amendment of the entleman from Virginia would prevail, and sincerely -ped that a law would be passed pursuant to the princie proposed by the resolution. [Mr. H. extended his remarks until the expiration of e hour, when the subject was again laid on the table.] THE DEPOSITE QUESTION. The order of the day being the deposite question, Mr. WAYNE stated that he had received from Mr. RCHER, (who had the floor from yesterday,) a communition stating that he was too unwell to proceed in his eech to-day. APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. POLK now asked the consent of the House to take the appropriation bill. Objections were made; but e rule having been suspended, the House determined to ke up the bill. And the question being on agreeing to the report of e conferees on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses, Mr. WILDE demanded that the question should be ken by yeas and nays. Mr. SPEIGHT moved for a call of the House; but it is negatived. Mr. HUBBARD, although formerly opposed to the mpromise, having since examined precedents, had beme convinced that the committee had not gone further an former cases would bear them out in going. He 10ted two cases from the Journal. Mr. WAYNE then raised a question of order, on the ound that the bill under consideration ought not to have mained with the House, but should, by rule, have been nt to the Senate, when a conference was asked. The CHAIR decided that it was too late to raise this as question of order; though it might be urged, in arguent, as a reason against agreeing to the report of the >nferees. Mr. HARDIN treated the question as one of common sense, and denied that the committee could go beyond the express matter of disagreement between the Houses. Mr. POLK explained the grounds on which the committee of conference had proceeded, and insisted that they had touched only the matter of disagreement, though they had struck out some words not disagreed to. Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, called for the reading of the title of the bill, and it was read at the Clerk's table, as follows: "A bill making appropriations, in part, for the support of Government for the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-three." Mr. A. having deliberately repeated the words of the title, asked for the reading of the bill itself; and it was read accordingly. He then called for the reading of the report of the conferees; which also was read. Mr. A. then said that the first question he had to put to the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. POLK] was this: What had this compromise to do with a partial appropriation bill, the sole object of which was to pay the members, and provide for the expenses of both Houses of Congress for the year 1834? What agreement was there between the bill (as proposed to be amended) and the title of the bill? Mr. POLK replied, that if the gentleman would look at the original bill, he would find that it contained a limitation upon the purchase of books by either House, without an appropriation by law: this part of the bill immedi. ately connected it with the matter of the compromise proposed by the committee. Mr. ADAMS resumed. It was true that this showed some connexion between them; but that very clause itself ought never to have been in the bill: it was inconsistent with the title of the bill. It showed that there was more in the bill than the title warranted. The question before the House was not a mere question of order: it was a question of legislation, a question of consistency, a question of the honor of Congress, which required that there should be a consistency between the matter of a bill and its title. The House would remember that when the adherence of the Senate to its amendment of the bill had first been announced, he had entreated the House to recede from its disagreement; and that, if there was such a necessity for the restriction which the Senate had stricken out, to let it be put into a separate and distinct law. What was the use of the restriction? It effected nothing; for the Senate could still apply the money by a separate bill. The restriction died with the law of which it was a part. The moment the money was paid, the law was dead; and the proviso was dead with it. But, if the restriction was necessary-if the Houses of Congress could not trust themselves with the purchase of a few books to aid them in their public duty without such a restriction-it should be made by a general law. It assumed to be passed as a general and permanent regulation; but it could not be such in this bill. It was out of place in such a bill. It did not belong to the bill. He hoped the House would not concur. If the worst came to the worst, the House would only lose this partial appropriation bill; and what H. or R.] Appropriation Bill. [JAN. 30, 1834 would be the great evil of that? The members would because the agreement of both Houses to the residue of only have to wait for their pay till the general appropria-the bill was only conditional. tion bill should pass. He hoped the gentleman at the Mr. H. EVERETT followed on the same side, and exhead of the Committee of Ways and Means would pro- pressed his satisfaction with the compromise. As to the ceed with his bill without delay. This very bill, itself, title of the bill, if it disagreed with the contents it could was an anomaly-a mere accommodation to the mem- be altered. bers-nothing more. He did not know why the general bill was not in the House before that time. The estimates on which it was to be founded had long been published. Mr. HUBBARD further explained the cases of preeedent he had before referred to, and insisted that they fully warranted the doings of the committee. A motion to adjourn failed. Mr. WAYNE again took the floor on the question of order, and further illustrated his former positions, insi ing that if the report should be sanctioned, all rule would virtually be set aside. Mr. BATES opposed the compromise, as yielding every thing, and gaining almost nothing. Mr. LANE wished to hear the Speaker's opinion the question of order. All the legitimate objects of the present bill would be attained by disagreeing to the report of the conferees, and then receding from the House's dissent to the Senate's amendment. If gentlemen wished an additional appropriation for the library, let it be done in a separate bill. But here was a sum of $5,000 levied upon the people to the end of time, under color of a partial appropriation bill for the year 1834? As for the library, it was such a favorite with him, that, if the honorable chairman would bring in a bill to add this sum to the annual provision for its increase, he would vote for it with all his heart. But such a clause in a bill like this looked to him, for all the world, Mr. FOOT was about to read his authority to show that like a golden eagle in the centre of a three-colored cock-it would be in order to ask for a conference; but, being ade. Mr. WILLIAMS said there was no question of order strictly before the House, but only a question of ceaCH" rence on a report. cut short by the Chair, he waived it, and said a few words in opposition to the compromise. It left the contingent fund without restriction of any kind. The question had been loudly demanded, and seven motions for adjournment had been made and negative when, at past four o'clock, the question was taken concurring in the report of the committee of conference. and decided in the negative, by yeas and nays, as follows YEAS.-Messrs. John Adams, Beale, Bean, Beardsle John Bell, James Blair, John Blair, Bockee, Bock Brown, Bunch, Burns, Chambers, Chinn, Samuel Chart. Clay, Darlington, Davenport, Deberry, Dennis, Philenc Dickerson, Dunlap, Edward Everett, Horace Even Foster, W. K. Fuller, Fulton, Galbraith, Gillett, Gorbar Joseph Hall, T. H. Hall, Halsey, Joseph M. Harpe The gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. HUBBARD] had quoted to the House two precedents, which, it seemed, had changed that gentleman's view of the question. But in the case first quoted by him, (one which Mr. A. was not without reason for well remembering,) the disagreement between the Houses had been, not respecting one particular clause, but concerning the whole bill. From the Journal of the House of Representatives, to which the gentleman from New Hampshire referred, it appeared that the amendment proposed by the House, and to which the Senate disagreed, was to strike out the whole bill except the enacting clause, and to insert another. The disagreement upon which the conference was held, therefore, embraced the whole bill; and thus the entire bill being open to the action of the committee James Harper, Harrison, Hathaway, Hawkins, Heis of conference, they had stricken out whatever parts of it they chose; and this without in the least transcending the limits of their legitimate authority. But, in the present case, Mr. A.'s objection was, that, under color of a disagreement respecting a temporary bill, the conferees had reported what amounted, in reality, to a new bill, and had grafted a permanent provision upon a bill which was intended only to effect a transient and temporary purpose. He would ask the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means what he would say, supposing, on some disa greement of the Houses touching the general appropriation bill, a committee of conference should deem it expedient to report a section rechartering the Bank of the United States? For his own part, if it were in order, he should be very glad they would. But, on this principle, where were a committee to stop? He asked again, where were they to stop? Howell, Hubbard, Abel Huntington, Inge, Jarvis, E NAYS.-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Heman Allen, Jela! Allen, C. Allan, William Allen, Barber, Barringer, Bes Baylies, Beaty, Beaumont, James M. Bell, Binney, Bor din, Briggs, Bull, Bynum, Cage, Carmichael, Cas Chaney, Chilton, Choate, Claiborne, William Chek Clayton, Coffee, Connor, Corwin, Coulter, Crane, A Davis, Day, Deming, Denny, Dickson, D. W. Dickins Should the present bill be lost, all that would have to Duncan, Evans, Felder, Fillmore, Foot, Philo C. Ful be done would be to insert the same provisions in the Gamble, Gholson, Gilmer, Gordon, Graham, Gray, general appropriation bill; and this would be a very de- Griffin, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Hardin, Hawes, Hazes sirable result, in his view. While the House was thus Henderson, Jabez W. Huntington, Cave Johnson, So spending so much time and money in providing for their born Jones, Benjamin Jones, Kinnard, Lay, Lewis, Lot own pay, other great and extensive departments of the Lucas, Lyon, Lytle, Martindale, Marshall, McCo Government were suffering; and he supposed the general McDuffie, McIntyre, McKay, McKennan, Miller, Mälg bill was, as usual, to be postponed till March or April. | Parker, D. J. Pearce, Franklin Pierce, Pinckney, P Should the result of the present difficulty be only to introduce the reform of passing a general appropriation bill at this period of the session, the time would, in his judgment, have been well spent. Mr. E. EVERETT replied to the objections which had been urged against the compromise, and distinguished between questions of mere order and those of expediency and propriety. He denied that the committee had touched any part of the bill which both Houses had agreed to; Ramsay, Rencher, Schley, Selden, Augustine H. S Mr. WILDE now moved that the House recede from disagreement. AN. 30, 31, 1834.] Purchase of Books-Extension of the Pension Laws. The CHAIR pronounced this motion out of order, as FRIDAY, JANUARY 31. PURCHASE OF BOOKS. Mr. SPEIGHT asked the unanimous consent of the ouse to offer a joint resolution. Leave being given, he fered a resolution for furnishing to the new members of ngress certain books of reference which have been furshed to the old members. ver, so as to read as follows: [H. or R. painful and mortifying reflection that even this pittance had been bestowed upon them grudgingly. While he would go as far as any one to maintain this system as it now exists-a system founded, in his judgment, in strict justice-he could not agree to extend it, so as to embrace within its provisions those who have been called into the military service of their country since the close of the war of the revolution. He had heretofore stated the considerations which induced him to support the pension act of June, 1832; those same considerations would now deter him from extending the system as contemplated by the resolution on the table. He proceeded, by observing that he had not risen for the purpose of going into a full consideration either of the Mr. WHITTLESEY objected to the form of the reso-resolution or the amendment, but principally to reply to ion; and, after some conversation, it was, on the motion some observations which had fallen from the gentleman Mr. POLK, verbally modified, with the consent of the from South Carolina, [Mr. PINCKNEY,] in reference to the act of June, 1832, in particular, and to the pension Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That system in general. Feeling, as he did, in some measure members of the present Congress, who have not here- identified with that act--it having received the consideraore received them, be supplied with the same books tion and the support of the committee of which he was t have been ordered to be furnished to the members of then the chairman, and from which committee the same 22d Congress; the cost thereof to be paid out of any act (although it had its origin in the Senate) was duly reney in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. ported to the House--he felt himself called upon to give Mr. WAYNE wished, before voting, to know what the to the remarks of that gentleman a passing notice. oks were which were referred to, and whether some phat not now be out of print, so that the resolution might, effect, be authorizing a reprint of them. Mr. SPEIGHT explained, and stated that his object offering the resolution was to furnish such members had not been supplied with them with Gales & Sea's Register of Debates, and the Documentary History Congress. The resolution was then ordered to be engrossed for a 'd reading. EXTENSION OF THE PENSION LAWS. The resolution of Mr. CHILTON, on the extension of pension laws, then coming up- If he (Mr. II.) had correctly understood that gentleman, he (Mr. P.) had objected to the act of June, 1832, on account of its origin, its character, and its consequences. He had told us (and had told us truly) that this same pension act had its origin in the same Congress which spoke into existence that most obnoxious tariff system, as he was pleased to call it, of July, 1832; that the legislation of the same Congress which passed the one, adopted the other measure; and hence it has been argued that this particular pension act is identified and connected with the tariff--that it should be regarded as part and parcel of the protective policy-of the American system. But, sir, (said Mr. H.,) this is not the only measure involving an extraordinary charge upon your treasury, which originated and which was passed at the second session of the 22d Congress. 1r. HUBBARD, who had possession of the floor, rose said that it had not been his intention to have uttered ord upon the resolution offered by the gentleman from tucky, or upon the amendment to that resolution as posed by the gentleman from Virginia. He had, on ormer occasion, very fully expressed his own views in the subject of granting pensions to the surviving liers of the revolution. He had on that occasion exert his best efforts to procure the passage of an act which ild do something like equal justice to this class of our sens; and he had on this occasion intended to have en no part in the debate, as the objects he had in view e, to a certain extent, accomplished by the pension of June, 1832. Although he was not entirely satisfied all the provisions of that act; although at the time of assage, it will be remembered, that he manifested no ticular regard for it, yet he was then disposed to take the best, and, he might add, as the only bill which hat time could have been carried through the Senate, elation to this subject. Whatever objections he may e entertained to that act, he was now prepared to If, sir, that honorable gentleman had been in Congress d them, and to do and to say all that he could do and at the time the pension act of June, 1832, was passed, he to prevent its repeal, or any modification whatever would not have imputed to its friends such selfish, narrow, ing a tendency to lessen or reduce its benefits. One and unworthy motives for their conduct. He (Mr. H.) the other object seems to be contemplated by the could say, with entire truth, that the majority of the comendment proposed to the resolution by the gentleman mittee of the House, by whom the bill was considered, n Virginia. He would say that every consideration and from whom the same was reported, as he had before uld induce the House to let that act remain unchanged stated, entertained sentiments and opinions in general undisturbed, unless for the purpose of carrying out accordance with those of the gentleman himself, touching principle involved by extending its benefits to those the great subject of the tariff and the protective policy. may have rendered a less period of service than six He could say, with equal truth, that during all those disnths. Let those whose hearts have been gladdened cussions which took place in the committee in relation to a participation in the blessings of that pension act be that bill, not even an honorable and a distinguished memmitted to pass from the stage of this life without the 'ber of that committee, who was then one of the repre The gentleman will undoubtedly recollect that at this same session the bill providing for the settlement of the claims of South Carolina had its origin; and will the gentleman regard that act as a tariff measure-as identified with the protective policy-as connected with the Amercan system? For this the gentleman would not contend; and yet, with just the same propriety, with just the same reason, might the gentleman call the one as the other a measure designed to favor the American system. The gentleman has told us that the passage of this pension bill was an unjustifiable attack upon southern principles and upon southern policy; that it was a measure most unequal and most unjust in its operations and effects; a measure designed to benefit the North at the expense of the South; "that this mammoth system was devised ostensibly for the soldiers, but in reality for no other end or object than to make new charges on the treasury." VOL. X.-161 H. OF R.] Extension of the Pension Laws. [JAN. 31, 1834. sentatives of South Carolina on this floor, or any other sentiment of those members of the House who aided in member of the same committee, ever regarded it as a the passage of that same bill through its various stages. measure in any way connected with the tariff; as a meas- It was then, sir, he remarked, but an act of justice to the ure calculated unequally to tax and oppress the South; as a surviving soldiers of the revolution; and never was t measure designed to war upon her policy or upon her prin- garded by any of its friends as a tariff measure, or de ciples; as a measure which would be unequal in its opera- signed to bear heavily or oppressively on any section of tions, sectional in its benefits, or unjust in its effects. And this Union. how is it, and why is it, that on this occasion the gentleman The gentleman was also pleased to say that it was from South Carolina has seen fit to bring forward a charge measure peculiarly favoring the North; that pensions p of such a character against the committee who matured there; that but few pensioners, comparatively speaking, that bill, and against the members of that Congress who are found residing south of the Potomac. And how, it, aided in its passage-"that they had devised a system said he, has this happened? Does the gentleman conten ostensibly for the soldiers, but in reality for no other end that, from this fact, the act was designed to benefit in or object than to create new charges on the treasury?" North at the expense of the South? The language of the He could assure the honorable gentleman that the impu- act itself could not be more general: it speaks to a tation was wholly unmerited. He could assure that gen- whether in the North or in the South, in the East or tleman that the bill was devised not only ostensibly, but the West—it speaks to every man who now survives, rẻ really, solely, and absolutely, for the benefit of the sur who was engaged for the requisite term of service in viving soldiers of the revolution; to do but an act of just-war of the revolution. It addresses itself, without ice to them. While, by one act of Congress, justice was invidious or odious distinctions, to every faithful socz attempted to be done to the State of South Carolina, of the revolution, who may have served, either in g by another act of the same Congress justice was also at- ments raised by the authority of the continental Congres tempted to be done to the surviving soldiers of the revo- in regiments raised by the authority of the States, lution, not only of South Carolina, but of every State in regiments which then constituted the militia of the cos this confederacy. try; or in regiments raised by the voluntary associat of individuals. And how has it happened that so gr disproportion of the present pensioners are to be f north of the Potomac? He most unequivocally den that, at the time the bill was under consideration, it e The pension act of June, 1832, he would again repeat, occurred to him that the bill would be sectional in its be was passed with a view to do justice--equal and sheer efits. He knew not in what part of the republic is justice-to the surviving soldiers of the revolution. Can greatest portion of the surviving soldiers of the revol it be possible that any man at this day, that any member resided. But, sir, is there any way to account for of this House, can turn back to the pension act of March, difference, except upon the ground that a less number i 1818, and bring to mind the various, partial, illiberal, and tories and a greater number of true whigs were to unjust provisions of that act, according to the construc- found in the days of the revolution in the North that tion which was given to it at the department, and regret the South? the action of Congress on the subject in 1832, or without, It is possible that, since that eventful period, a gr in truth, admitting the necessity of such action? He could mortality may have prevailed in the one than in the ode not believe it. The time had come when further legislation section of the country; and hence the difference. Te on this subject was required at the hands of those who are fact is admitted, as stated by the gentleman, that the constitutional guardians of the rights of the people. number now residing north of the Potomac, whom? Under the pension system, as it existed previous to the the receipt of pensions, is greater than the numbe act of June, 1832, but a small portion of those who took those residing south of that line. He would be the in part in that glorious struggle which resulted in the man in this House to awaken any bad feelings in any achievement of our independence were pensioned. The in relation to this subject. He was not disposed to b justice of the country was extended to a favored few- to mind, on this occasion, any revolutionary facts a most invidious and unreasonable principle was incor- count for this difference. There could be no doubt ba porated into the act of March, 1818. Its benefits were during every year of that eventful contest, the North extended only to the objects of private or of public charity; and not even to them, unless they had served in the cause of the revolution nine continuous months under one engagement, and in regiments raised by the authority of the continental Congress. The honorable gentleman then was, Mr. H. said, wholly mistaken, if he supposed that any other consideration could have influenced the course of any member of the committee or of the House upon that subject. From every other class of revolutionary soldiers the justice of the country was withheld. The brave men who had filled the regiments raised by the State Governments-the pure in spirit, who composed the militia of the country-were wholly excluded. have furnished the most men, and performed the service. And, if that be so, if more physical means there furnished to established the independence of country, there is no good reason-there is no justice withholding pensions from those faithful soldiers noy viving, because they chance to live north of the Poto The war of the revolution was a war for principl was declared by the virtue, and sustained by the val the common country. It was a common cause, and whole moral and physical power of the whole confeder Such, sir, were some of the absurd and partial provi- was put in requisition to sustain that cause. The g sions of the pension act of 1818; and he should be un-ous result is matter of history. And would it not be willing to suppose that any man who valued the free in- invidious, as well as most unjust, to cast about and to stitutions of his country--who espoused the cause of equal certain who are to be the recipients of the bounty of a justice--could contemplate the subject without feeling an absolute necessity of either striking from the page of your statute book the act of 1818, or of exerting all his energies so to amend and improve that system, that every man who faithfully served the country in that day of darkness and of danger should be adequately remunerated and equally provided for. He trusted not; and sure he was that this was the sentiment of the committee who matured and reported the pension bill to the House; and equally sure he was that this must have been the feeling and the country, (as some would say,) but who are, as he w contend, to receive justice at the hands of the Gove* ment, before we would do our duty? While on this branch of the subject, he could not let opportunity pass without doing some little justice t own native State. If he had correctly understoods remarks which had been made in the course of their bate, the conduct of New Hampshire, during that pr of our country's history, had been impugned. Is sentiments were intended to be conveyed, he must " |