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called it, of a cooperative character, and all cooperation may lead to conflict. There is, however, occasional jarring of interests or powers, wherever there are general rules of action. This jarring of laws, and especially of institutions, so much dreaded by the absolutists, whose beau ideal is uncompromising and unrelieved uniformity, is very frequently the means of development, and of that average justice which constitutes a feature of all civil liberty. If there be anything instructive in the history of free nations, and of high interest to the student of civil liberty, it is these very conflicts, and the mean which has resulted from it. It must also be remembered that liberty is life, and life is often strife, in the social region as in that of nature. If, at times, institutions lead to real struggles, we have to decide between all the good of institutional liberty with this occasional inconvenience, and absolutism with all its evils, and this occasional avoidance of conflicting interests. More than occasional this avoidance, even under an absolutism, cannot be called. What domestic conflicts have there not been in the history of Russia and Turkey!

The institution unquestionably partly results from, and in turn promotes, respect for that which has been established or grown. This leads occasionally to a love of effete institutions, even to fanaticism; but fanaticism, which consists in carrying a truth or principle to undue length, irrespective of other truths and principles equally important, besets man in all spheres. Has absolutism not its own bigotry and fanaticism ? 3

3 I have expressed my view on this subject in an address to a graduating class. I copy the passage here, because I believe the truth it contains important:

"Remember how often I have endeavoured to impress upon your minds the truth, that there is no great and working idea in history, no impulse which passes on through whole masses, like a heaving wave over the sea, no yearning and endeavour which gives a marking character to a period, and

When an institution has become effete; when nothing but the form is left; when its life is fled-in one word, when the hull of an institution remains, but when it has ceased to be a real institution, it is inconvenient, dangerous, or it may become seriously injurious. Nothing, indeed, is so convenient for despotism, as I stated before, as the remaining forms of an obsolete freedom, or forms of freedom purposely invented to deceive. A nobility stripped of all independence, and being nothing but a set of court retainers,-the Roman senate under the emperors, the court of peers under Henry the Eighth, -representative houses without power or free action, courts-martial dictated to by a despot, elections without freedom, are tremendous engines of iniquity. They bear the responsibility, without free agency. They are in practice what syllogism is without truthfulness. But

no new institution or new truth, which becomes the substantial addition, that a certain age adds to the stock of progressive civilization,-that has not its own caricature and distorted reflection along with it. No Luther rises with heroic purpose, without being caricatured in a Carlstadt. The miracle wrought by Him, to whom it was no miracle, is mimicked in toyish marvels for easy minds. The communists are to the dignity of labour what the hideous Anabaptists were to the Reformation, or tyrannical hypocrites in England to the idea of British liberty in a Pym or Hampden. There was a truth of elementary importance conveyed in the saying of former ages, however irreverent it may appear to our taste, that Satan is the mimicking and grimacing clown of the Lord. I will go farther, and say that no great truth can be said to have fairly begun to work itself into practice, and to produce, like a vernal breath, a new growth of things, if we do not observe somewhere this historic caricature. Has Christianity itself fared better? Was the first idea, which through a series of errors led to the anchorites and pillar saints, not a true and holy one? Does not all fanaticism consist in recklessly carrying a true idea to an extreme, irrespective of other equally true ones, which ought to be developed conjointly, and under the salutary influence of mutual modification? There is truth in the first idea, whence the communist starts, as much so as there is truth in the idea which serves as a starting-post for the advocate of the ungodly theory of Divine right; but both carry out their fundamental principle to madness, and, ultimately, often run a-muck in sanguinary ferocity. Do not allow yourself, then, to be misled by these distortions, or to be driven into hopeless timidity, which would end in utter irresolution, and a misconception of the firmest truths."

this is no reproach to the institution in general, nor any

Many an old Shall we build

reason why we ought not to rely upon it. church has served as a den for robbers. no churches? If the institution is effete, let it be destroyed, but do it, as Montesquieu says of laws in general, "with a trembling hand," lest you destroy what only appeared to your one-sided view as effete. Still more vigorously must the battering-ram be directed against institutions which from the beginning have been bad, or which plainly are hostile to a new state of things. There are institutions as inconsistent with the true aim of society, though few are as monstrous, as the regularly incorporated prostitutes of ancient Geneva were. They must be razed. All historical development contains conservatism, progress and revolution, as Christianity itself is most conservative and most revolutionary. The vital question is, when? And from all that has been stated, it must have appeared that the institution greatly aids in the best progress of which society is capable, that which consists in organic changes, changes which lie in the very principles of continuity and conservatism themselves.

There are no countries on the European Continent where such constant and vast changes are going on, in spite of all their outer revolutions, as in the United States and in England, for the very reason that they are institutional governments-that there exists self-government with them; yet they move within their institutions. This truth is symbolically exemplified in Westminster Abbey and the Champ-de-Mars. Century after century the former has stood, and what course of historical development has flowed through it! What representative festivities, on the other hand, from the feast of the Universal Federation of France in 1790 to the distri

bution of eagles to the army in May 1852, have succeeded each other on the latter-revolutionary, conventional, republican, imperial, royal, imperial-restorational, again Bourbonian, Orleanistic, socialistic, and uncrowned-imperialist and imperial-yet centralism has worked its steady disindividualizing way through all.' There are" sermons in stones," and sermons in places.

The following is taken from a late French paper. It is of sufficient symbolic interest to find a place in a note:

In 1790, on the 14th of July, the anniversary of the taking of the Bastile was celebrated by what was called the Féte of the Universal Federation of France. Delegations were sent to it by every department, city, town, and village in the country, all eager to manifest their enthusiasm for the revolution of 1789. Every hundred of the National Guards was represented by six members; and there were also six deputies from every regiment of infantry, and four for every regiment of cavalry. These "confederates," as they were styled, were all entertained by the inhabitants of Paris, who are said to have rivalled each other in hospitality. In order to afford facilities to the immense number of spectators who were expected on the Champ-deMars, over twelve thousand workmen were employed to surround it with embankments. Fears, however, being still entertained that the work would not be completed in time, all Paris turned out to assist. Men, women, and children, the National Guard, priests even, and sisters of charity, all took part in it. The Abbe Sieyes and Viscount Beauharnais were seen tugging together at the same wheelbarrow. At the entrance to the field was erected an immense triumphal arch; while in the centre was raised an altar, called the Altar of the Country, at which officiated Talleyrand, then Bishop of Autun. A bridge of boats was stretched across the Seine, near the Champ-de-Mars, where since has been erected the bridge of Jena.

In 1791, on the 18th of September, there was a splendid féte for the publication of the Constitution, and for receiving the oath of fidelity to it from Louis XVI.

The

In 1792, on the 15th of April, the Féte of Liberty was celebrated. centre of attraction was an enormous car, in which was placed a statue of Liberty, holding a liberty-cap in one hand, and in the other a club. To such an extent was the principle of freedom carried on this occasion, that there was not a single policeman present to preserve order. The master of ceremonies was armed only with an ear of corn; nevertheless, there is said to have been no disorder.

In 1793, there was a fete in honour of the abolition of slavery. On the 10th of August of the same year, there was a fete for the acceptance of the Constitution of 1793. The President of the Convention received eightythree commissioners from the departments; after which the registers, upon which were inscribed the votes of the Primary Assemblies, were brought to him, and he deposited them upon the "Altar of the Country," amid the firing of cannon, and the rejoicing of the people, who swore to defend the

Constitution with their lives. On the 2d December following, the Féte of Victories took place, in celebration of the taking of Toulon. On this occasion the Altar of the Country was transformed, by the poet-painter David, into a temple of immortality.

In 1794, on the 21st of January, the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI. was celebrated by all the principal authorities going to the Altar of the Country, and renewing their oath of hatred to royalty. On the 9th of June of the same year, the Féte of the Supreme Being commenced at the Tuileries, and was terminated on the Champ-de-Mars. In the centre of the plain a "Mountain was thrown up, surmounted by an oak. On the summit of the mountain were seated the representatives of the people; while near them were a number of young men, with drawn swords in their hands, n the act of striking a symbolical figure of the "monster fanaticism." In 1796, on the 21st January, the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI. was again celebrated. All the public functionaries renewed once more their oath of hatred to royalty; and the people spent the day singing the Marseilles Hymn, Ca ira, and various patriotic songs. On the 30th of March following, the Féte of Youth took place, on occasion of arming all the young men over sixteen years of age; and on the 30th of April, on the proposition of Carnot, the Féte of Victories was celebrated.

In 1798, on the 20th of March, was the Fete of the Sovereignty of the People. On the 10th Vendemaire, there was a funeral fete in memory of General Hoche. On the 10th Messidor, the Féte of Agriculture took place, with a great display of chariots, cattle, fruits, &c. During the five supplementary days of the revolutionary year, there was a series of fetes, with an exposition of all the products of French industry, on the Champ-deMars.

In 1801, there were fetes in memory of the foundation of the Republic, and in celebration of general peace, which were attended by the First Consul.

In 1804, on the 10th of November, Napoleon, then Emperor, repaired to the Champ-de-Mars, and there received the oath of fidelity and obedience from deputations representing all the corps of the army.

In 1814, on the 7th of September, the government of the Restoration distributed colours to the National Guard of Paris. The object of this distribution was to efface, if possible, even the memory of the eagles of the empire, and of the tri-coloured standard of the revolution. An altar glittering with gold and costly drapery was erected near the military school, and in front was placed the throne occupied by Louis XVIII., who was accompanied by the Count of Artois, the Duke of Angouleme, and the Duke of Berri. Mass was celebrated by the Archbishop of Paris, M. Talleyrand Perigord, uncle of the Bishop of Autun, who, as we have seen, officiated at the Fête of Federation in 1790. The National Guards defiled before the throne, while the band played Vice Henry IV! and Charmante Gabrielle.

In 1815, on the 1st of June, there was a fête in celebration of the return of the Emperor. Napoleon appeared on the throne with his three brothers. A mass was performed; the constitution was acclaimed with enthusiasm ; and the air was rent with cries of Vive Napoléon! The oath was taken with enthusiasm. Napoleon addressed the soldiers from the throne in the following words :—

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